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Joel A Lewis Youth Against Fascism.pdf

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YOUTH AGAINST FASCISM<br />

the younger generation of all nations, want peace. <strong>Fascism</strong> wants war. <strong>Fascism</strong> is the<br />

deadly enemy of the overwhelming majority of the younger generation." 34 Opposition to<br />

this common enemy could facilitate the unity of the entire young generation.<br />

Michal reiterated Kuusinen's positions on the practical implications of Popular Front<br />

theory. Transitions in theory had to be translated into a new series of practices for the<br />

youth:<br />

The question arises: are the Young Communist Leagues capable of accelerating the<br />

broad united front of all the forces of the youth if they retain their former character, if<br />

they work as they formerly did Our answer to this question can only be in the negative.<br />

If we do not change the content, form and method of our work, we shall not be in a position<br />

successfully to serve the cause of uniting the forces of the younger generation of<br />

youth. As regards the youth, we have no interests apart from or contradictory to their interest,<br />

requirements and aims. Their interests are our interests, their demands are our<br />

demands, their aims are our aims. 35<br />

Popular Front rhetoric downplayed divergences between communists and other youth<br />

movements, emphasizing the common values of youth. Michal insisted that the antifascist<br />

struggle necessitated a new approach to youth alliances:<br />

We do not deceive ourselves as to the differences of principle and world outlook existing<br />

between these organizations and ourselves. But in the struggle against fascism, and for<br />

the material needs of youth, for freedom and peace, they can be our allies… we are<br />

prompted by one thought, one desire – to save the younger generation of the whole mankind<br />

from fascism. 36<br />

By championing a broad program "for peace, for freedom, for happiness, for progress, for<br />

the sum total of rights of the young generations," the YCL could unite the youth against<br />

the dual threat of fascism and imperialist war. 37<br />

The first task of the YCI was to heal the splits that existed within the working-class<br />

youth. The Comintern put considerable faith in the ability of young communists to forge<br />

a common anti-fascist platform with socialist youth. Unity between the adult parties was<br />

quite unlikely after so many years of intentional animosity. Kuusinen acutely observed,<br />

"On the question of uniting the Parties, it is obvious that the possibility of a union of the<br />

Socialist and Communist youth organizations in a number of countries is all the<br />

greater." 38 Dimitrov stated that united anti-fascist actions were desirable, but that political<br />

unity between adult parties could only be achieved by socialist acceptance of:<br />

1) The complete independence from the bourgeoisie and complete rupture of the bloc of<br />

Social-Democracy with the bourgeoisie. 2) The condition that unity of action be first<br />

brought about. 3) The condition that the necessity of the revolutionary overthrow of the<br />

rule of the bourgeoisie and the establishment of the Dictatorship of the proletariat in the<br />

form of Soviets be recognized. 4) The condition that support of one's own bourgeoisie<br />

in imperialist war be rejected. 5) The condition that the party be constructed on the basis<br />

of democratic centralism, which ensures unity of will and action. 39<br />

In essence, Dimitrov argued that adult political unity would only be achieved by complete<br />

socialist acceptance of Leninism.<br />

82

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