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Joel A Lewis Youth Against Fascism.pdf

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THE POPULAR FRONT GENERATION<br />

YCL meetings. 101 "Phrase mongering" was a major problem that of the early thirties.<br />

One YCL steel worker chastised his comrades for using "high sounding revolutionary<br />

phrases" stating, "When you ask a worker to join a union, do so with the desire to teach<br />

him to fight for his own needs before you talk revolution." 102 Another YCLer complained<br />

that many comrades in his fraction felt content simply shouting "revolutionary phrases"<br />

instead of actively participating in organizing work. 103 As a result, the YCL openly<br />

recognized that their Bolshevik jargon about dictatorship and revolution held little<br />

resonation with American youth. These articles facilitated a greater element of selfcriticism<br />

within the YCL concerning the effectiveness of their propaganda. By 1935 the<br />

American YCL was commended for its ability to "speak the fresh, vivid language of the<br />

youth." 104<br />

Though the YCL had internal discussions critiquing their techniques, the Young<br />

Worker continued to publicly propagate social-fascist rhetoric. In March, 1934 a leading<br />

Young Worker article on fascism criticized the SYI for "training its young generation in<br />

the spirit of the defense of the bourgeois fatherland and bourgeois-democracy." 105 The<br />

same article reminded YCLers that their chief task was to expose "the real nature of<br />

bourgeois-democracy" and to "bare in mind the directives of the Communist International"<br />

that there existed "only one path of struggle." 106 Gil Green laid out a six point<br />

characterization of American fascism, prompting the YCL to "counter-act every expression<br />

and form of nationalism and chauvinism in the ranks of the toiling youth:"<br />

First, the fact that American Imperialism is the most powerful in the world. Second, the<br />

existence of remnants of feudalism in the South with its oppression of a whole nation of<br />

people – the Negro people. Third, we must fight against all "anti-foreigner" propaganda<br />

which, already used in the last war, was used to whip up nationalist hatred against the<br />

foreign born workers. Fourth, we must fight the activities of the various fascist movements<br />

among the youth of foreign-born parentage in the US. Fifth, we must expose<br />

those who appeal to the young generation to "change the world." Sixth, we must react to<br />

every stop of government transition to fascism. 107<br />

Dimitrov's analysis of fascism enabled the YCL to revise most of Green's positions,<br />

facilitating new forms of anti-fascist rhetoric and activities that coincided with many of<br />

the YCL's existing internal critiques. The YCL adopted a progressive nationalist rhetoric<br />

of democratic citizenship to combat domestic fascist and reactionary influences instead of<br />

positing traditional general denunciations of the nation. 108<br />

The Popular Front YCL identified domestic fascism with reactionary forces that<br />

sought to split the progressive movement in order to undermine Roosevelt's New Deal.<br />

YCL propaganda identified the parallels between Nazi anti-Semitism and techniques<br />

utilized by American reactionaries. A 1938 article in the Young Communist Review<br />

addressed elements of this evolving YCL analysis of fascism:<br />

These reactionaries promote anti-Semitic movements as part of their tactic to oppose<br />

Jew against Gentile, Negro against white, farmer against worker. From the decadent<br />

fount of Big Business springs the Ku Klux Klan, Silver Shirts, and anti-Semitic Father<br />

Coughlin. To protect democracy from the onslaught of the "feudal few" as President<br />

51

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