Joel A Lewis Youth Against Fascism.pdf

THE POPULAR FRONT GENERATION
counter-revolutionary, but actually fascist" themselves for opposing communist aims. 12
Fascism was a natural manifestation and symptom of capitalist society in crisis. The
Comintern asserted that such crises would produce working-class revolution, not the
victory of reaction. Third Period anti-fascism took on "a more confrontational activism"
in disorderly street confrontations that alienated potential broad community support for
anti-fascism. 13
At the Seventh World Congress of the Comintern in August, 1935, Georgi Dimitrov
presented a new political program termed the "Popular Front." The Popular Front had
dramatic implications for Leninist theory and practice, especially for communists in the
West. 14 Though Congress delegates approved Dimitrov's resolutions with a unanimous
vote, "the Comintern [itself] was far from unanimous in support for Dimitrov's line."
Popular Front tactics appeared "revisionist" and implied a degree of communist culpability
in facilitating the victory of the Nazi Third Reich. 15
The Seventh Congress was initially scheduled for 1934, but was postponed for almost
a year while Dimitrov "struggled hard to convince Stalin of the need for change." 16
Dimitrov and other Comintern leaders knew the Popular Front line represented a clear
break with the past. At the Seventh Congress, Comintern leaders used a continuity of
terms in their reports to ease potential tensions, legitimizing their revisionism in Leninist
terminology. Opening the Congress with a traditional Leninist speech, Wilhelm Pieck of
the German delegation proclaimed that "armed insurrection must be prepared" under "the
slogan of fighting for Soviet Power." 17 Pieck confidently expressed that although the
Nazis had set out to "annihilate Marxism," that there could be no serious "question of the
National-Socialist regime being consolidated for any lengthy period of time." 18 Pieck's
report recited traditional Bolshevik rhetoric and slogans common of the Leninist Generation.
Dimitrov followed with a stunning message. While highlighting trends of continuity,
Dimitrov gave a clear expression of the new Comintern directions by condemning past
practices. Past practices proved ineffective in combating fascism and had assisted in
enabling fascist victory in Germany. Dimitrov denounced the German SPD, but warned
delegates of the disastrous implications of the failed anti-fascist strategies of the KPD.
Dimitrov stated that those who do not "fight the reactionary measures of the bourgeoisie
and the growth of fascism at these preparatory stages, is not in a position to prevent the
victory of fascism, but, on the contrary, facilitates that victory." 19 The victory of fascism
occurred due to "a number of mistakes committed by the Communist Parties," by "people
who intolerably underrated the fascist danger." 20 Dimitrov reflected that communists had
failed in engaging "the masses" on issues of nationalism, popular unity, democracy and
peace, in turn facilitating the victory of Nazi fascism.
Palmiro Togliatti, the Italian communist leader, followed Dimitrov's proclamations
with a new analysis on the implications of fascism upon the maintenance of peace.
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