advocates <strong>of</strong> “back to nature”—like the Unabomber, or Al Goreif he really meant what he wrote in Earth in the Balance—mightendorse such a plan. But few libertarians would want to move toa desert island and renounce the benefits <strong>of</strong> what Adam Smithcalled the Great Society, the complex and productive society madepossible by social interaction. One would think, therefore, thatsensible journalists would stop, look at the words they typed, andthink to themselves, “I must have misrepresented this position. Ishould go back and read the libertarian writers again.”In our time this canard—about isolation and atomism—hasbeen very damaging to advocates <strong>of</strong> the market process. We oughtto make it clear that we agree with George Soros that “cooperationis as much a part <strong>of</strong> the system as competition.” In fact, weconsider cooperation so essential to human flourishing that wedon’t just want to talk about it; we want to create social institutionsthat make it possible. That is what property rights, limitedgovernment, and the rule <strong>of</strong> law are all about.In a free society individuals enjoy natural, imprescriptible rightsand must live up to their general obligation to respect the rights<strong>of</strong> other individuals. Our other obligations are those we chooseto assume by contract. It is not just coincidental that a societybased on the rights <strong>of</strong> life, liberty, and property also producessocial peace and material well-being. As John Locke, DavidHume, and other classical-liberal philosophers demonstrate, weneed a system <strong>of</strong> rights to produce social cooperation, withoutwhich people can achieve very little. Hume wrote in his Treatise<strong>of</strong> Human Nature that the circumstances confronting humans are(1) our self-interestedness, (2) our necessarily limited generositytoward others, and (3) the scarcity <strong>of</strong> resources available to fulfillour needs. Because <strong>of</strong> those circumstances, it is necessary for usto cooperate with others and to have rules <strong>of</strong> justice—especiallyregarding property and exchange—to define how we can do so.Those rules establish who has the right to decide how to use aparticular piece <strong>of</strong> property. In the absence <strong>of</strong> well-defined propertyrights, we would face constant conflict over that issue. It isour agreement on property rights that allows us to undertake thecomplex social tasks <strong>of</strong> cooperation and coordination by whichwe achieve our purposes.33
It would be nice if love could accomplish that task, withoutall the emphasis on self-interest and individual rights, and manyopponents <strong>of</strong> liberalism have <strong>of</strong>fered an appealing vision <strong>of</strong> societybased on universal benevolence. But as Adam Smith pointedout, “in civilized society [man] stands at all times in need <strong>of</strong> thecooperation and assistance <strong>of</strong> great multitudes,” yet in his wholelife he could never befriend a small fraction <strong>of</strong> the number <strong>of</strong>people whose cooperation he needs. If we depended entirely onbenevolence to produce cooperation, we simply couldn’t undertakecomplex tasks. Reliance on other people’s self-interest, in asystem <strong>of</strong> well-defined property rights and free exchange, is theonly way to organize a society more complicated than a smallvillage.Civil SocietyWe want to associate with others to achieve instrumentalends—producing more food, exchanging goods, developingnew technology—but also because we feel a deep human needfor connectedness, for love and friendship and community. <strong>The</strong>associations we form with others make up what we call civil society.Those associations can take an amazing variety <strong>of</strong> forms—families,churches, schools, clubs, fraternal societies, condominium associations,neighborhood groups, and the myriad forms <strong>of</strong> commercialsociety, such as partnerships, corporations, labor unions, andtrade associations. All <strong>of</strong> these associations serve human needsin different ways. Civil society may be broadly defined as all thenatural and voluntary associations in society.Some analysts distinguish between commercial and nonpr<strong>of</strong>itorganizations, arguing that businesses are part <strong>of</strong> the market, not<strong>of</strong> civil society; but I follow the tradition that the real distinctionis between associations that are coercive—the state—andthose that are natural or voluntary—everything else. Whether aparticular association is established to make a pr<strong>of</strong>it or to achievesome other purpose, the key characteristic is that our participationin it is voluntarily chosen.With all the contemporary confusion about civil society and“national purpose,” we should remember F. A. Hayek’s point34
- Page 2 and 3: The Morality of CapitalismWhat Your
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is a social asset is incompatible w
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The Market Economy and the Distribu
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no unfavorable, economic results. O
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owner, actual or potential, reflect
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losses prompted by the chance of, o
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We are not saying, of course, that
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well-being reflects a potentially c
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discrepancies. The difference was c
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Global Capitalism and JusticeBy Jun
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preferences, and infrastructure. It
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Human Betterment through Globalizat
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any particular sophistication. Afte
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These young people are returning be
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etterment through exchange and the
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of diverse cultures. In this manner
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primitive magical-religious communi
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to censure, repression, and margina
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That is why the best defense of our
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A Little Further Reading for Fun an
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Dr. Tom G. Palmer is executive vice
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14 Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels,
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Index of Proper Names(Chinese names
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The Pierre F. and Enid Goodrich Fou
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Students For LibertyA Free Academy,
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Additional Resources for LibertyThe
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“We need to change the narrative