4 INTRODUCTORYtragic class <strong>of</strong> wage earners, who, though comparativelyfew in numbers, already constituted a serious problemin the <strong>seventeenth</strong> <strong>century</strong>.In the course <strong>of</strong> the investigation, comparison isfrequently made with the economic position <strong>of</strong> medizval<strong>women</strong> on the one hand, and with <strong>women</strong>'sposition under modern industrial conditions, on theother. It must be admitted, however, that comparisonswith the middle ages rest chiefly on conjecture.Owing to the greater complexity <strong>of</strong> a woman's <strong>life</strong>her productive capacity must be classified on differentlines from those which are generally followed indealing with the economic <strong>life</strong> <strong>of</strong> men,For the purposes <strong>of</strong> this essay, the highest, mostintense forms to which <strong>women</strong>'s productive energyis directed have been excluded ; that is to say, thespiritual creaton <strong>of</strong> the home and the physical creation<strong>of</strong> the child. Though essentially productive, suchachievements <strong>of</strong> creative power transcend the limitations<strong>of</strong> economics and one instinctvely feelsthat there would be something almost degradingin any attempt to weigh them in the balance withproductions that are bought and sold in the market oreven with pr<strong>of</strong>essional services. Nevertheless it mustnever be forgotten that the productive energy whichis described in the ensuing chapters was in no sensealternative to the exercise <strong>of</strong> these higher forms <strong>of</strong>creative power but was employed simultaneously withthem. It may be suspected that the influences <strong>of</strong>home <strong>life</strong> were stronger in the social <strong>life</strong> <strong>of</strong> the<strong>seventeenth</strong> <strong>century</strong> than they are in modern England,and certainly the birth-rate was much higher in everyclass <strong>of</strong> the community except perhaps the very poorest.But, leaving these two forms <strong>of</strong> creative poweraside, there remains another special factor complicating<strong>women</strong>'s economic position, namely, the extent <strong>of</strong> herproduction for domestic purposes-as opposed toindustrial and pr<strong>of</strong>essional purposes. The domesticINTRODUCTORY5category includes all goods and services, either materialor spiritual, which are produced solely for the benefit<strong>of</strong> the family, while the industrial and pr<strong>of</strong>essionalare those which are produced either for sale or exchange.In modern <strong>life</strong> the majority <strong>of</strong> English<strong>women</strong> devotethe greater part <strong>of</strong> their lives to domestic occupations,while men are freed from domestic occupations <strong>of</strong>any sort, being generally engaged in industrial orpr<strong>of</strong>essional pursuits and spending their leisure overpublic services or personal pleasure and amusement.Under modern conditions the ordinary domesticoccupations <strong>of</strong> English<strong>women</strong> consist in tending babiesand young children, either as mothers or servants, inpreparing household meals, and %keeping the houseclean, while laundry work, preserving fruit, and themaking <strong>of</strong> children's clothesare still <strong>of</strong>ten included inthe domestic category. In the seven~enth <strong>century</strong> itembraced a much wider range <strong>of</strong> production ; forbrewing, dairy-work, the care <strong>of</strong> poultry and pigs, theproduction <strong>of</strong> vegetables and fruit, spinning flax andwool, nursing and doctoring, all formed part <strong>of</strong> domesticindustry. Therefore the part which <strong>women</strong> playedin industrial and pr<strong>of</strong>essional <strong>life</strong> was in addition to amuch greater prodoctive activity in the domestic spherethan is required <strong>of</strong> them under modern conditions.On the other hand it may be urged that, if <strong>women</strong>were upon the whole more actively engaged in industrialwork during the <strong>seventeenth</strong> <strong>century</strong> than theywere in the first decade <strong>of</strong> the twentieth <strong>century</strong>,men were much more occupied with domestic affairsthen than they are now. Men in all classes gave timeand care to the education <strong>of</strong> their children, and theyoung unmarried men who generally occupied positionsas apprentices and servants were partly employedover domestic work. Therefore, though now it istaken for granted that domestic work will be done by<strong>women</strong>, a considerable proportion <strong>of</strong> it in former daysfell to the share <strong>of</strong> men.
INTRODUCTORYThese circumstances have led to a different use <strong>of</strong>terms in this essay from that which has generally beenadopted ; a difference rendered necessary from thefact that other writers on industrial evolution haveconsidered it only from the man's point <strong>of</strong> view, whereasthis investigation is concerned primarily with itseffect upon the position <strong>of</strong> <strong>women</strong>.To facilitate the enquiry, organisation for productionis divided into three types :(a) Domestic Industry.(b) Family Industry.(C) Capitalistic Industry, or Industrialism.No hard-and-fast line exists in practice betweenthese three systems, which merge imperceptibly intoone another. In the <strong>seventeenth</strong> <strong>century</strong> all threeexisted side by side, <strong>of</strong>ten obtaining at the same timein the same industries, but the underlying principlesare quite distinct and may be defined as follows :(a) Domestic Industry is the form <strong>of</strong> productionin which the goods produced are for the exclusive use<strong>of</strong> the family and are not therefore subject to anexchange or money value.(b) Family Industry is the form in which thefamily becomes the unit for the production <strong>of</strong> goodsto be sold or exchanged.The family consisted <strong>of</strong> father, mother, children,household servants and apprentices ; the apprenticesand servants being children and young people<strong>of</strong> both sexes who earned their keep and in thelatter case a nominal wage, but who did not expect toremain permanently as wage-earners, hoping on thecontrary in due course to marry and set up in businesson their own account. The pr<strong>of</strong>its <strong>of</strong> family industrybelonged to the family and not to individual members<strong>of</strong> it. During his <strong>life</strong>time they were vested in thefather who was regarded as the head <strong>of</strong> the family ;he was expected to provide from them marriageportions for his children as they reached maturity,INTRODUCTORYand on his death the mother succeeded to hisposition as head <strong>of</strong> the family, his right <strong>of</strong> bestowalby will being strictly limited by custom and publicopinion.Two features are the main characteristics <strong>of</strong> FamilyIndustry in its perfect form ;-first, the unity <strong>of</strong>capital and labour, for the family, whether that <strong>of</strong> afarmer or tradesman, owned stock and tools andthemselves contributed the labour : second, the situation<strong>of</strong> the workshop within the precincts <strong>of</strong> the home.These two conditions were rarely completely fulfilledin the <strong>seventeenth</strong> <strong>century</strong>, for the richerfarmers and tradesmen <strong>of</strong>ten employed permanentwage-earners in addition to the members <strong>of</strong> theirfamily, and in other cases craftsmen no longer ownedtheir stock, but made goods to the order <strong>of</strong> the capitalistwho supplied them with the necessary material.Nevertheless, the character <strong>of</strong> Family Industry wasretained as long as father, mother, and children workedtogether, and the money earned was regarded asbelonging to the family, not to the individual members<strong>of</strong> it.From the point <strong>of</strong> view <strong>of</strong> the economic position<strong>of</strong> <strong>women</strong> a system can be classed as family industrywhile the father works at home, but when he leaveshome to work on the capitalist's premises the lastvestige <strong>of</strong> family industry disappears and industrialismtakes its place.(c) Capitalistic Indurtry, or industrialirm, is thesystem by which production is controlled by theowners <strong>of</strong> capital, and the labourers or producers, men,<strong>women</strong> and children receive individual wages.''The tcrm " individual wages " is used here to denote wages paid either to menor <strong>women</strong> a* individuals, and regarded as belonging to the indikidual person, while"family wages " are those which cover the serricrs nf the nholc family and belongto the family as a whole. This definition differs from the common use <strong>of</strong> the terms,but is necessary for the explanation <strong>of</strong> some important points. In ordinary conversation" individual wages " indicate those which maintain an indi~idual only, while"family wages" are those upon which a family lives. This does not imply a real
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TEXTILESroof provided them with the
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104 TEXTILESformulated by 25 Charle
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108 TEXTILES TEXTILES 109until the
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TEXTILESon spinning for their livin
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120 TEXTILES TEXTILESthe cloth made
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124TEXTILES TEXTILESin the closely
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TEXTILESKingdom, it required a grea
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132 TEXTILES TEXTILESnot exceedl6 1
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TEXTILES TEXTILES I37hours in four
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'44 TEXTILES TEXTILESWood Streate,
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TEXTILEShigher wages than would hav
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1 52 CRAFTS AND TRADESdebts. For ex
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160 CRAFTS AND TRADES CRAFTS AND TR
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164 CRAFTS AND TRADESAmong thirty-n
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CRAFTS AND TRADESalso met with as b
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172 CRAFTS AND TRADES CRAFTS AND TR
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176 CRAFTS AND TRADESto Henry Joyce
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180 CRAFTS AND TRADES CRAFTS AND TR
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CRAFTS AND TRADESWardens and Brothe
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P-I9OCRAFTS AND TRADESmarriage ; it
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CRAFTS AND TRADEStaken our goods fr
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1g8CRAFTS AND TRADESresources turne
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CRAFTS AND TRADESThere were fewer r
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206 CRAFTS AND TRADES CRAFTS AND TR
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CRAFTS AND TRADESA large proportion
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214CRAFTS AND TRADES CRAFTS AND TRA
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218 CRAFTS AND TRADES CRAFTS AND TR
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222 CRAFTS AND TRADES CRAFTS AND TR
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CRAFTS AND TRADES CRAFTS AND TRADES
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CRAFTS AND TRADESfrom her fellow pa
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PROFESSIONS 237PROFESSIONSIntroduct
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24O PROFESSIONS PROFESSIONStheir Th
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244 PROFESSIONS PROFESSIONS 245the
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PROFESSIONS PROFESSIONS 249profanat
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252PROFESSIONSGiles Moore enters in
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PROFESSIONScribed as one who " dist
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PROFESSIONS PROFESSIONS 261first ma
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264 PROFESSIONSGarrett's leg shall
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268 PROFESSIONSwhere there are none
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PROFESSIONS PROFESSIONS 273the numb
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PROFESSIONSexaminations, before six
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PROFESSIONS PROFESSIONS 281death me
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284 PROFESSIONS PROFESSIONSof confi
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288 PROFESSIONSextent they were whe
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CONCLUSIONor in her other facilitie
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CONCLUSION CONCLUSION 297in women's
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CONCLUSIONlaw of Nature, inviolable
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CONCLUSIONwere specially deprecated
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308 CONCLUSIONof the State, and the
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312 AUTHORITIES AUTHORITIES 313Cost
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AUTHORITIESMartindale, Adam, The Li
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County.Buckingham ..Cardigan .. ..C
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INDEXINDEXFlax, 64, 146, 246, 291 ;
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INDEXsmants, women( 50,65,157 ; mam