Violence against children, the voices of Ugandan ... - Raising Voices

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KEY FINDINGSIt stands to reason that the rampant violence againstchildren cannot simply be explained by assumingthat the perpetrators are cruel and unsympatheticindividuals. The numbers are simply too large andwidespread to sustain that assertion. It was clear in thisstudy that the rationale adults offered was complex,conflicted, and imbued with contradictions. Theexplanations and narratives that emerged suggestedthat a large number of adults are simply trying to makesense of how to cope with the immense pressures of arapidly evolving social climate. Many are facing intenseeconomic pressures that form an overarching contextfor how they construct their personal relationships.Most are reacting to children based on divergentinputs, including traditions, an inherited value system,and peer pressure. Thus, for most adults, theirrelationship with children is a consequence of thisconfluence.Key findings from the study of adults’ experiencesinclude the following:1. Adults have a different understanding ofviolence compared to children.The issue of violence against children is controversialfor adults. Many adults asserted that a moderateamount of beating, shouting, or other acts, broadlyconceptualised as “punishing” children, were alegitimate exercise of adults’ responsibility to guidechildren under their care. Many adults believed thatviolence was a matter of excess of certain acts, ratherthan the act itself.2. Adults under-report and discount violenceagainst children.Adults consistently underestimated how oftenthey punished children and often insisted outrightthat certain acts did not really count as a serioustransaction. Ad hoc slaps, pinching, embarrassingcomments, or threats towards children were seen as anormal part of adult-child interactions, if adults wereto get children to do what they wanted them to do.These acts were administered to extract immediatecompliance and were not seen as part of an overallapproach to guide children into becoming responsibleadults. In these instances, adults did not feel that theslap or the threat even needed an explanation.3. Adults feel threatened and undermined by therhetoric of children’s rights.Adults expressed a considerable level of resentment,possibly even backlash, regarding children’s rights.Many adults regretted that the rhetoric of children’srights was beginning to erode the absolute deferencethat they expected from children. They often claimedthat their authority was being undermined by childrenwho impertinently threatened to report them to ahigher authority, yet few adults could point to a specificexample of this actually happening.4. Adults are aspiring to create compliant children.Most adults reported that the long-term outcomesought from “punishing” children was to create acompliant child who deferred to authority. Theywanted to create children who would repay adults’“investment” in them and promote traditional values.Many adults anxiously believed that their children maybe subscribing to a radically different value system(often referred to as “modern”) and, as a result, wouldundermine the traditional culture that the parentsdeeply cherished.5. The dialogue around children’s rights hasbeen experienced as confrontational and outof-context.While there is broad awareness among adults ofthe rhetoric of children’s rights, there is also muchmisunderstanding. Most adults had been simplytold about children’s rights rather than helped tounderstand how it could lead to a more fruitful adultchildrelationship, how they could practically integratethe concept into their lived experiences. This perhaps isthe greatest challenge and successfully addressing thisissue could unlock the barriers that have limited manychild rights interventions.90 Part Three Adults’ Rationale
6. Adults believe in a hierarchy of violence.Adults tended to punish based on their personalranking of the severity of each punishment. Caningand shouting were seen as less injurious than tyingup or burning, and were therefore commonly used.Humiliation was often seen as less severe than beating,and shaming was seen as subtler than inducing fear.7. Adults claim jurisdiction over children.Adults as a group believed that they had absolutedomain over children. Parents, in particular, insisted thatthey expected unconditional obedience and deference.Furthermore, other adults also demanded immediatesubmission from children. They saw punishment as alegitimate exercise of adults’ higher status, if childrenwere not behaving in the way the adult expected.8. There exists a disjuncture between declaredintention and practice.Most adults claimed that the intention of punishingchildren was to guide their development and behaviour.However, many adults did not take a systematicapproach and often simply reacted with anger on anad hoc basis to the perceived misbehaviour. Oftenthe same behaviour on the part of the child elicitedradically different responses from the adult, and oftenadults did not do the more difficult work of helpingchildren see the error in their behaviour.9. Women were more likely to be the day-to-daydisciplinarians.Generally, children interact more frequently with theirmothers who supervised their assigned chores. Theywere also more likely to approach their mothers orstepmothers with requests for their needs. As a result,mothers generally tended to administer punishmentsmore frequently. Fathers, when they did get involved,tended to administer the punishment more severely.10. Chain from father to mother to children.Many children experienced violence from motherswho were being abused by the fathers. Stepchildrenfrequently reported being abused by stepmothers whoresented their father bringing an additional “burden”to the family. Also, women often denied childrenmoney for their basic needs if the father reneged on hiscontribution to the family’s budget.11. Adults express clear indignation about sexualabuse of younger children, but not olderchildren.There was a unanimous condemnation of the sexualabuse of younger children. Most adults felt that it wasa repugnant act and often talked about it as happeningin a neighbouring community rather than their own.However, there was a marked difference when theabuse in question was directed at older children,particularly girls. This, while not explicitly condoned,was tolerated with resignation and, occasionally, withnervous complicity.12. Adults feel conflicted regarding the efficacyof violence.Many adults admitted to harbouring ambivalenceregarding the efficacy of using violence to changethe behaviour of children. However, they said theycontinued using it because they could not see clearalternatives. “If not beating then what?” was a commonrefrain.13. Adults are not a monolithic group withhomogeneous views.A variety of contradictory views exist, even within thesame individual. Many adults are struggling to makesense of what they believe and how it should influencetheir actions. Some hold contradictory beliefs regardingviolence against children and feel conflicted regardinghow to reconcile these beliefs. For example manyproponents of ‘moderate beating’ of children alsoadmit that most of the time adults are simply reactingto children rather than engaged in guiding them.Many had an unreliable grasp of what is moderatepunishment and in the grip of anger found it difficult toretain a clear perspective. These adults struggle withthe dilemma and need help to find a resolution.Part Three Adults’ Rationale 91
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ViolenceAgainstChildrenThe Voices o
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ViolenceAgainstChildrenThe Voices o
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DedicationThis work is dedicated to
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TABLES1.1 Children consulted throug
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARYThis study examine
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a new dimension to the adult-child
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PART ONEResearch DesignPURPOSE OF S
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PARTICIPANTSA total of 1406 childre
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METHODOLOGYData CollectionThe resea
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Through this process, two interesti
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Children’s VoicesWhat do you unde
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esearch.Children’s Conception of
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It was recognized during the format
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QUESTION 1Have you experienced viol
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QUESTION 2Have you experienced phys
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Children’s VoicesHave you experie
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QUESTION 3Have you experienced emot
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QUESTION 4Have you experienced sexu
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QUESTION 5Have you experienced econ
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QUESTION 6Who commits violence agai
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Children’s VoicesKey Informant In
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QUESTION 7How do you feel when viol
Page 52 and 53: Children’s VoicesHow do you feel
Page 54 and 55: Children’s VoicesYou feel ashamed
Page 56 and 57: QUESTION 8What do you do when viole
Page 58 and 59: Children’s VoicesWhat do you do w
Page 60 and 61: QUESTION 9What, if anything, should
Page 62 and 63: Children’s VoicesWhat, if anythin
Page 64 and 65: Children’s VoicesSensitize elders
Page 66 and 67: KEY FINDINGSMore than 90 percent of
Page 69 and 70: PART THREEAdults’ Rationale for V
Page 71 and 72: QUESTION 1Are children punished in
Page 73 and 74: Adults’ VoicesCulturally, we watc
Page 75 and 76: of being reported to higher authori
Page 77 and 78: QUESTION 3How often do you punish c
Page 79 and 80: Adults’ VoicesHow often do you pu
Page 81 and 82: In what ways do you punish children
Page 83 and 84: Adults’ VoicesIn what ways do you
Page 89 and 90: In interviews, many teachers admitt
Page 91 and 92: Adults’ Voicestimes, I feel happy
Page 93 and 94: I know beating her has not changed
Page 95 and 96: QUESTION 7Are there ways in which a
Page 97 and 98: Adults’ VoicesAre there ways in w
Page 99 and 100: QUESTION 8What should be done when
Page 101: Adults’ VoicesWhat should be done
Page 105 and 106: PART FOURRecommendationsWHAT WOULD
Page 107 and 108: violence. The legislation should in
Page 109 and 110: 3.6 RESEARCHCommission research tha
Page 111 and 112: 5.9 COMMUNITY SENSITISATIONIntroduc
Page 113 and 114: Part Four Recommendations101
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Violence against children, the voices of Ugandan ... - Raising Voices

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