Chapter 1Methods of Study<strong>in</strong>g <strong>Suicide</strong>There are three broad strategies for study<strong>in</strong>g the problem of suicide: cl<strong>in</strong>ical, epidemiological, andethnographic. Each has strengths and limitations. The <strong>in</strong>tegration of these forms of knowledge is an ongo<strong>in</strong>gchallenge <strong>in</strong> the field of mental health.Cl<strong>in</strong>ical ResearchCl<strong>in</strong>ical studies look at patients <strong>in</strong> health care sett<strong>in</strong>gs. Typically, such studies compare suicide attempterswith other patients seen <strong>in</strong> a cl<strong>in</strong>ic or a hospital. This allows systematic comparisons with patients whohave other types of mental health problems but who are not suicidal. For example, although depressionis strongly associated with suicide, only a m<strong>in</strong>ority of people with severe depression actually make suicideattempts. Understand<strong>in</strong>g the differences between those who do make suicide attempts and those who do notmay help to identify the crucial elements beyond depression and demoralization that contribute to suicidalbehaviour. Cl<strong>in</strong>ical studies may <strong>in</strong>clude the measurement of biological parameters as well as psychologicaland social dimensions of the <strong>in</strong>dividual’s experience. Ideally, cl<strong>in</strong>icians develop a good relationship withthe patients they work with to arrive at an accurate portrait of their personalities, life circumstances, andpredicament. However, the cl<strong>in</strong>ic rema<strong>in</strong>s a limited sett<strong>in</strong>g from which to understand <strong>in</strong>dividuals’ problems,which may be rooted <strong>in</strong> the contexts of family and community. As well, many people who make suicideattempts do not come for help or are seen <strong>in</strong> non-cl<strong>in</strong>ical sett<strong>in</strong>gs, and it can be mislead<strong>in</strong>g to generalize theexperiences of those <strong>in</strong> the community based on the subset of people who come to cl<strong>in</strong>ical attention.Cl<strong>in</strong>ical studies can describe the characteristics of suicide attempters who come or are brought for helpand can identify potentially important risk and protective factors. But cl<strong>in</strong>ical studies cannot determ<strong>in</strong>ethe prevalence <strong>in</strong> the community or the relative contributions to suicide risk <strong>in</strong> the general population.Information on the general population is important to identify social causes of suicidality and todevelop population-based methods of prevention. Community studies on mental health f<strong>in</strong>d that many<strong>in</strong>dividuals never come for help, preferr<strong>in</strong>g to deal with problems on their own or with the aid of familyand community resources. Those who do contact the health care system are seen ma<strong>in</strong>ly <strong>in</strong> primary care,not <strong>in</strong> psychiatry or mental health sett<strong>in</strong>gs. It is therefore necessary to conduct community surveys todeterm<strong>in</strong>e the true prevalence of suicide attempts and to study the effectiveness of family and communityresources, as well as professional <strong>in</strong>terventions (Goldberg and Huxley, 1992). Study<strong>in</strong>g the pathways tocare may also identify problems <strong>in</strong> recognition of distress and differences <strong>in</strong> treatment, and so improvethe delivery of appropriate care.Epidemiological ResearchEpidemiological surveys offer the best methods for identify<strong>in</strong>g risk and protective factors that function at thelevel of the vulnerable <strong>in</strong>dividual, as well as factors at the levels of family, social network, cultural community,society, or nation that may affect whole populations. Most epidemiological studies of suicide, however, havefocused on factors affect<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>dividuals rather than communities (Borges, Anthony, and Garrison, 1995).Current epidemiological research methods <strong>in</strong> psychiatry emphasize structured diagnostic <strong>in</strong>terviewsand systematic record<strong>in</strong>g of details of personal history and experience (Tsuang and Tohen, 2002).Unfortunately, <strong>in</strong>dividual memory is surpris<strong>in</strong>gly poor even for personally significant events, and recallis biased by present concerns and conceptions (Rogler, Malgady, and Tryon, 1992). Thus, when a person
Chapter 1is depressed, the <strong>in</strong>dividual recalls similar periods of depression and despair <strong>in</strong> his or her life, but whena person is feel<strong>in</strong>g better, memory for such times may be vague and the person may forget even seriousepisodes. This selective recall serves adaptive functions <strong>in</strong> that it allows people to put pa<strong>in</strong>ful experiencesbeh<strong>in</strong>d them to some extent, but it hampers accurate assessment of <strong>in</strong>dividual histories. <strong>People</strong> may alsobe reluctant to divulge behaviour and experience they feel is shameful, embarrass<strong>in</strong>g, or puts them <strong>in</strong> abad light. These factors set limits on the reliability of psychiatric surveys.This is illustrated by recent epidemiological studies on two American Indian reservation populations (Bealset al., 2005a; 2005b; 2005c). The survey <strong>in</strong>volved 3,084 people <strong>in</strong> two closely situated Northern Pla<strong>in</strong>stribes and a large southwestern tribe. Depression was assessed with the Composite International DiagnosticInterview (CIDI), a structured diagnostic <strong>in</strong>terview widely used <strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>ternational and cross-cultural research.Lifetime rates of depression varied from 3.8 to 7.9 per cent; 12-month rates varied from 2.1 to 4.9 per cent.Contrary to the researchers’ expectations, these rates were about 30 per cent lower than those found <strong>in</strong> thegeneral population with similar methods. Participants <strong>in</strong> the study found it difficult to answer the CIDIquestion that asks which symptoms of depression co-occurred dur<strong>in</strong>g the same time period as feel<strong>in</strong>gsof sadness or depression. As a result, the diagnostic module did not appear to function as designed. Theauthors produced alternative estimates based on less str<strong>in</strong>gent criteria that did not require the symptomsof depression to co-occur. This yielded much higher rates that varied from 7.2 to 14.3 per cent for lifetimeprevalence and from 3.9 to 8.8 per cent for 12-month prevalence. Even these rates rema<strong>in</strong> lower than thosefound <strong>in</strong> the general population and the validity of these alternative criteria rema<strong>in</strong>s unclear.Self-report questionnaires of symptoms, which the person can fill out privately, can also be used toidentify suicidal behaviour and associated mental health problems. The quality of the <strong>in</strong>formationobta<strong>in</strong>ed depends on how well the questionnaire is constructed and on the level of trust and confidence<strong>in</strong> the people who are conduct<strong>in</strong>g the survey. There is evidence that young people are more likely to reportsuicide attempts when questionnaires are anonymous and when the word<strong>in</strong>g asks about “end<strong>in</strong>g yourlife” rather than “attempted suicide” (Safer, 1997; Evans, Hawton, and Rodham, 2005a). When surveyquestionnaires have not been culturally adapted and validated, and when <strong>in</strong>dividuals are unsure abouthow the data collected will be used, the accuracy of the <strong>in</strong>formation collected may be compromised.Studies of deaths by suicide require special methods to retrospectively reconstruct the suicide victim’spersonality, psychopathology, recent life events, and liv<strong>in</strong>g circumstances by <strong>in</strong>terview<strong>in</strong>g family, friends,and others who knew the deceased. This reconstruction of past events is called a “follow-back study”or, sometimes, a “psychological autopsy” (Brent et al., 1988). Usually, retrospective studies are designedas case-control studies <strong>in</strong> which suicide victims are compared with a group of peers or age-mates whodid not die by suicide (Cavanagh et al., 2003). Without this “control group” for comparison, it may betempt<strong>in</strong>g to relate the suicide to any aspect of the <strong>in</strong>dividual’s personal history that appears dist<strong>in</strong>ctiveor distress<strong>in</strong>g. Only careful comparison with others <strong>in</strong> similar circumstances us<strong>in</strong>g statistical analysescan clarify which factors are actually associated with suicide and which are simply common forms ofadversity with no particular contribution to suicidality.All retrospective studies have limitations due to the lack of complete and accurate <strong>in</strong>formation <strong>in</strong> medicalcharts, family or <strong>in</strong>formant recollection, official records, and so on. For example, many studies have foundlow correlations between parents’ reports of their children’s distress and children’s self-reports. Whileparents are often aware of symptoms of emotional distress <strong>in</strong> adolescent suicide attempters, parentstend to be unaware of—or may deny or refuse to report—their adolescent’s suicidal ideation and even
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- Page 8 and 9: Table of ContentsCultural and Lingu
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Chapter 4Origins of Suicide: Social
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Chapter 4Reserves, Settlements, and
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Chapter 4Traditionalism versus accu
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Chapter 4are equivalent in seriousn
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Chapter 4society (Levy and Kunitz,
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Chapter 4those of mother and homema
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Chapter 4Duncan Campbell Scott, Dep
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Chapter 4Traditional Aboriginal com
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Chapter 4Feehan, 1996; Grant, 1996;
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Chapter 4The Child Welfare System a
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Chapter 4Aboriginal communities and
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Chapter 4had extremely high rates.
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Chapter 4Figure 4-2) Transgeneratio
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Chapter 5What Works in Suicide Prev
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Chapter 5Table 5-1) Strategies of I
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Chapter 5Effective Suicide Preventi
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Chapter 5closet rods that give way
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Chapter 5The American Indian Life S
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Chapter 51) school-based and commun
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Chapter 5reduce suicides that follo
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Chapter 5Although they may visit a
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Chapter 6Conclusion: Understanding
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Chapter 6Figure 6-1) An Integrative
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Chapter 6in large urban settings th
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Chapter 6there’s like a program s
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Chapter 6Figure 6-2) Levels of Inte
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Chapter 6Planning and CoordinationA
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Chapter 62) The response to the cri
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Chapter 6Often, suicide is a respon
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Appendix AASIST participants receiv
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Appendix AThe Training for Youth Ed
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Appendix AThe program has continued
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Appendix Awith the creation and imp
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Appendix AContact Information for R
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Appendix BAdditional Resources: Man
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Appendix BAboriginal Healing and We
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Appendix CNational Aboriginal Healt
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References——— (1987). Unravel
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ReferencesBeck, A.T., R.A. Steer, M
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ReferencesBrent, D.A., J.A. Perper,
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References——— (1995). The Pro
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ReferencesDevereux, G. (1961). Moha
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References——— (2005b). In wha
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ReferencesGardiner, H. and B. Gaida
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ReferencesGuo, B. and C. Harstall (
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ReferencesHoberman, H.M. and B.D. G
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ReferencesJong, M. (2004). Managing
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ReferencesKouri, R. (2003). Persona
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References——— (1997). Suicide
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ReferencesMatheson, L. (1996). The
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ReferencesNeimeyer, R.A., B. Fortne
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ReferencesPirkis, J.E., C.E. Irwin,
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ReferencesRutz, W. (2001). Preventi
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References——— (1992). Marriag
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ReferencesTrimble, J. and B. Medici
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