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Suicide Among Aboriginal People in Canada - Institut universitaire ...

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Chapter 3S<strong>in</strong>gle-parent families are more common <strong>in</strong> <strong>Aborig<strong>in</strong>al</strong> communities than <strong>in</strong> the general population. In2001, about 35 per cent of <strong>Aborig<strong>in</strong>al</strong> children liv<strong>in</strong>g on reserves lived with only one parent, comparedto 17 per cent of non-<strong>Aborig<strong>in</strong>al</strong> children (Statistics <strong>Canada</strong>, 2003). However, the impact of s<strong>in</strong>gleparenthood depends on local social and cultural factors that determ<strong>in</strong>e the degree of support by extendedfamily, relatives, elders, and other members of the community. In some <strong>Aborig<strong>in</strong>al</strong> communities—notablythe Inuit—adoption may be extremely common and less stigmatized, and so may not be associated withthe same <strong>in</strong>creased risk for suicide seen <strong>in</strong> the total population.Studies among American Pla<strong>in</strong>s Indians found that youths who died by suicide were much more likelyto have had a change of caretaker dur<strong>in</strong>g their childhood or adolescence (May and Dizmang, 1974;Resnick and Dizmang, 1971). As discussed <strong>in</strong> detail <strong>in</strong> Chapter 4 of this report, <strong>Aborig<strong>in</strong>al</strong> populationshave experienced a high frequency of separations due to education <strong>in</strong> board<strong>in</strong>g schools and prolongedhospitalization out of their communities for tuberculosis and other chronic illness (Dickason, 1992;Kle<strong>in</strong>feld and Bloom, 1977; Manson et al., 1989). The residential school system exposed <strong>Aborig<strong>in</strong>al</strong>children to prolonged separations from family and k<strong>in</strong>, physical and sexual abuse, and active suppressionof their language and cultural identity (Coleman, 1993; Haig-Brown, 1990; Knockwood, 1992;Lomawaima, 1993).Childhood Physical and Sexual AbuseCl<strong>in</strong>ical and population studies support an association between a childhood history of physical and sexualabuse and later suicidal ideation and behaviour (Cleary, 2000; Dieserud et al., 2002; Evans, Hawton, andRodham, 2005a; Santa M<strong>in</strong>a and Gallop, 1998). An association of childhood physical abuse with suicidehas been found for adolescents <strong>in</strong> both case-control (Brent et al., 1999) and prospective longitud<strong>in</strong>al studies(Brown et al., 1999; Johnson et al., 2002). Most research on the association of childhood sexual abusewith suicidality has <strong>in</strong>volved cl<strong>in</strong>ical studies, which <strong>in</strong>troduce biases both because of the limitations ofretrospective recall and because cl<strong>in</strong>ical samples do not <strong>in</strong>clude people with a history of abuse who have notsought mental health services (Rogers, 2003). The most recent studies <strong>in</strong> the general population, however,have found a significant relationship between childhood sexual abuse and later suicidality (Fergusson et al.,2000; Molnar et al., 2001; Goldsmith et al., 2002; Evans, Hawton, and Rodham, 2005a). Although sexualabuse is more common among females, it may have an especially strong association with suicidality for males(Evans, Middleton, and Gunnel, 2004). Abused children are more likely than non-abused children to belater victims of abuse or to become sexual aggressors themselves. Thus, there seems to be a transgenerationalpattern of repetition of sexual abuse.Factors associated with risk of sexual abuse for a child <strong>in</strong>clude the family’s socio-economic status, change<strong>in</strong> family composition, difficulty <strong>in</strong> communication and attachment between the child and parent, parents’crim<strong>in</strong>al behaviour, substance/alcohol abuse, and psychological disorders. <strong>Aborig<strong>in</strong>al</strong> youth <strong>in</strong> <strong>Canada</strong> aremore likely than non-<strong>Aborig<strong>in</strong>al</strong> youth to witness family violence and to be subjected to physical and sexualabuse (Fischler, 1985; Lujan et al., 1989; MacMillan et al., 1996). Approximately one-half of <strong>Aborig<strong>in</strong>al</strong>children witnessed family violence, and the majority were female victims; 57% of <strong>Aborig<strong>in</strong>al</strong> women reportedthat their children had witnessed the violence compared to 46% of non-<strong>Aborig<strong>in</strong>al</strong> women (Tra<strong>in</strong>or andMihorean, 2001). The 1997 First Nations and Inuit Regional Longitud<strong>in</strong>al Health Survey <strong>in</strong> Ontario foundthat 59 per cent of First Nation adults had experienced physical abuse dur<strong>in</strong>g their childhood and 34 percent had suffered sexual abuse. The same survey found rates of sexual abuse among youth—14 per cent forboys and 28 per cent for girls (First Nations Centre, 2004). Urban <strong>Aborig<strong>in</strong>al</strong> people also experience high43

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