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80 so u R c e s o f we a p o n sy s T e m s In n o v a T Io n In T h e depaR TmenT o f defense<br />
Development Command. Several studies, for example, have examined the<br />
motives behind ARDC’s separation from AMC in terms of a protracted conflict<br />
between enlightened officers tuned to the potential benefits of an independent<br />
R&D command by forward-looking civilian experts and conservative, risk-averse<br />
officers who sacrificed technological superiority in favor of short-term production<br />
goals to maintain a ready force structure. 33 Although such a division may have<br />
existed at the management level, this argument is nevertheless misleading,<br />
because it <strong>as</strong>sumes by consequence that R&D w<strong>as</strong> most effective <strong>as</strong> a separate<br />
function, independent of production. 34 The evidence presented in this chapter,<br />
however, shows that the division of research and development from production<br />
w<strong>as</strong> not always clearly visible in the laboratories. More historical research on<br />
this subject is needed, but it is perhaps just <strong>as</strong> likely that, managerial separation<br />
notwithstanding, the Air Force accumulated innovative capabilities precisely<br />
because each of these functions—research, development, and production—<br />
remained mutually dependent in the postwar period.<br />
A similar disjunction between policy and practice w<strong>as</strong> evident in ARDC’s<br />
contracting programs. An executive order issued in 1954 obligated the <strong>Of</strong>fice<br />
of Scientific Research to limit its funding of unrestricted scientific research in<br />
favor of investigations expected to yield practical results directly relevant to Air<br />
Force requirements, but program managers quietly manipulated the language of<br />
the R&D funding categories to maintain OSR’s institutional commitment to the<br />
accumulation of fundamental knowledge. 35 Like their counterparts in the <strong>Army</strong><br />
and the Navy, the in-house Air Force laboratories and contracting units did not<br />
always operate according to the procedures and guidelines set down by the Air<br />
Staff and the civilian and military leaders who set broad policies in the <strong>Of</strong>fice of<br />
the Secretary of Defense.<br />
Growth and Diversification: The Air Research and<br />
Development Command, 1950–1961<br />
“The [<strong>Army</strong>] Air Forces are delving into every nook and corner of scientific<br />
endeavor. Projects are now underway to study atomic power, jet propulsion,<br />
physics of the higher atmosp<strong>here</strong>s, radioactive explosives, electronics, guided<br />
missiles, and the use of new metals and ceramics,” Chemical and Engineering<br />
News reported in 1946. The AAF spent two-thirds of the <strong>Army</strong>’s $280 million<br />
R&D budget that year, mostly through contracts awarded to universities and<br />
industrial firms. In 1948, after it had been separated from the <strong>Army</strong>, the new<br />
Air Force managed a research and development budget nearly twice the size<br />
($145 million) of the one <strong>as</strong>signed to the next largest consumer of government<br />
33 See, for example, Johnson, The United States Air Force and the Culture of Innovation; Gorn, Vulcan’s<br />
Forge; and Baucom, “Air Force Images of Research and Development and Their Reflections in Organizational<br />
Structures and Management Policies.”<br />
34 Converse, “The Air Force and Acquisition, 1945–1953,” 24, also argues that the claims made by the<br />
historians cited in footnote 34, above, are overdrawn. I am grateful to Dr. Converse for bringing this point<br />
to my attention.<br />
35 See Komons, Science and the Air Force, chap. 5.