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constitution as a “chain of royal confirmations of<br />

English law stretching back to the age of Edward the<br />

Confessor and beyond”. He perceived liberty to be on<br />

a continuing advance and thought the outcome of the<br />

Glorious Revolution to be a re-confirmation of, in the<br />

words of Turner, the “ancient compact between king<br />

and people, restoring fundamental law and limited<br />

monarchy”.<br />

By the mid-19th century, the Magna Carta was<br />

displayed and admired as a great treasure in the British<br />

Museum. However, lawmakers and observers also<br />

began developing a more critical appraisal of the Magna<br />

Carta. Additionally, both parliamentarians and lawyers<br />

championed for a reorganisation of law. Three acts—in<br />

1856, 1861, and 1863—repealed a number of old laws,<br />

abrogating much of the Magna Carta. Further legislative<br />

reforms in the 1960s meant that only four of the original<br />

clauses survived in the statute books.<br />

The English essayist Walter Bagehot briefly<br />

examined the Magna Carta in his 1867 magnum opus<br />

titled The English Constitution. He accurately described such<br />

medieval charters as “treaties between different orders<br />

and factions, confirming ancient rights, or what claimed<br />

to be such”. He believed the principal controversy was<br />

primarily between king and nation: “the king trying to<br />

see how far the nation would let him go, and the nation<br />

murmuring and recalcitrating, and seeing how many acts<br />

of administration they could prevent, and how many of<br />

its claims they could resist”.<br />

The Magna Carta still had the power to fire the<br />

political imagination of individuals in the Englishspeaking<br />

world and beyond. The only two extant copies<br />

outside of the UK are currently housed in two Englishspeaking<br />

democracies: Australia and the US.<br />

The Federal Parliament of Australia purchased<br />

its copy of the Magna Carta in 1952. It is revered as a<br />

“secular relic” and is exhibited in Canberra’s Parliament<br />

House. Although the state and federal parliaments are<br />

19th century creations, both institutions, according to<br />

scholar Stephanie Trigg, “appeal to their medieval origins<br />

in order to bolster their symbolic authority” thereby<br />

accumulating “symbolic capital”.<br />

Interestingly, the Magna Carta seems to have<br />

enjoyed greater appeal in the US than in the United<br />

Kingdom. The American Bar Association erected a neoclassical<br />

rotunda to mark the signing of the Charter,<br />

while various artefacts at the US Supreme Court depict<br />

images representing the history of the Charter. In 2007,<br />

a copy of the Magna Carta was acquired for a record<br />

US$ 21.3 million, so that it may remain on display at the<br />

National Archives and Records Administration.<br />

Much of the popularity of the Magna Carta in the<br />

US is due to Sir Edward Coke’s efforts. In 1606, Coke<br />

was tasked with drafting the First Charter of Virginia.<br />

The Charter makes reference to “Liberties, Franchises,<br />

and Immunities” and was largely inspired by the Magna<br />

Carta. The same language was used in the foundational<br />

charters of the states of Massachusetts, Maryland, Maine,<br />

Connecticut, Carolina, and Rhode Island. The Magna<br />

Carta is thus believed to have provided a conceptual<br />

basis for American constitutional development. The<br />

US Constitution, widely hailed as the first modern<br />

constitution, establishes a constitutional order based on<br />

“justice … domestic tranquillity … common defence<br />

… general welfare” and the security of the “Blessings<br />

of Liberty” for posterity. It provides for a separation of<br />

institutions—three branches of government which are<br />

designed to secure a system of checks and balances. All<br />

these principles can undoubtedly be traced to the spirit<br />

fostered by the Magna Carta.<br />

The spirit of Magna Carta<br />

Nicholas Vincent has argued that the significance<br />

of the Magna Carta “has always been in its spirit rather<br />

than in its practical application”. The term “Magna<br />

Carta” is now utilised to denote any document which<br />

seeks to guarantee rights and limit power. For example,<br />

the Treaty of Waitangi has often been referred to as<br />

the “Maori Magna Carta”, while environmental groups<br />

often urge governments to draft a “Green Magna Carta”.<br />

All this points to the enduring relevance of the spirit<br />

championed by the Magna Carta and its meaning—<br />

which is essentially that power functions best when it<br />

is limited. Thus, seeking to impose limits on authority is<br />

now a common feature of democratic constitutions.<br />

One of the most pressing issues during the reign<br />

of King John was the levying of high taxes to fund wars<br />

which were ultimately unsuccessful. The Magna Carta<br />

(and its subsequent revisions) addressed this, stipulating<br />

that taxes may only be levied provided consent by<br />

representatives of the tenants of the King is given. This<br />

principle was later echoed in the American Revolutionary<br />

slogan “No Taxation without Representation”.<br />

Consent and representation are necessary to limit<br />

the exercise of arbitrary power. However, without a<br />

strong element of accountability, these cornerstones of<br />

a healthy political life are weakened and rendered almost<br />

perfunctory. Accountability is fundamental—especially<br />

in a political culture which is increasingly swayed by the<br />

power and clout of interest groups and lobby groups.<br />

Justice is another theme which features prominently in<br />

the Magna Carta. Clause 40 of the Charter reads: “To<br />

no one will we sell, to no one deny or delay right or<br />

justice”. This clause is echoed in the legal maxim “justice<br />

delayed is justice denied”.<br />

The continuing relevance of the Magna Carta—and<br />

its ability to speak with such immediacy to the present—<br />

is something which will undoubtedly keep strengthening<br />

its position within the ‘epic of liberty’. Such a narrative<br />

speaks of the enduring tensions surrounding the nature<br />

of power, accountability, and justice. And in this, the<br />

Magna Carta must continue to serve as a historical<br />

reminder of the relevance of these concerns—and of<br />

the importance of giving them maximum priority if we<br />

are truly to have a healthy political community.<br />

André P. DeBattista is a visiting lecturer at the Department<br />

of Public Policy, University of Malta. He is a fellow of the<br />

Royal Society of Arts and a member of the Political Studies<br />

Association (UK).<br />

The European Conservative 15

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