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Caspar von Schrenck-Notzing:<br />

Conservative Founding Father<br />

Harald Bergbauer<br />

Caspar von Schrenck-Notzing (1927-2009)<br />

was a leading German conservative in the period<br />

after World War II. Between the 1960s and 1990s,<br />

he founded the widely-read conservative magazine<br />

Criticón, set up the Foundation for Conservative<br />

Education and Research, and published a number<br />

of thought-provoking books. And in 2006, he was<br />

a decisive voice supporting the establishment of the<br />

conservative European association, the Vanenburg<br />

Society.<br />

His most prominent book is Charakterwäsche<br />

(Character-Washing), which appeared in 1965. It<br />

contained an excellent analysis of the ways Germans<br />

had been ‘re-educated’ after World War II. In it he<br />

explained that Allied forces saw three possibilities to<br />

deal with Germany after the war:<br />

“The first possibility referred to the so-called<br />

‘Morgenthau plan’ which saw Germany as the great<br />

and perpetual source of disturbances in world history,<br />

and recommended the permanent isolation of the<br />

country from its neighbours, as well as the systematic<br />

weakening of its economic and political power.<br />

[Germany] should be re-modelled as an agrarian<br />

state.”<br />

“The second option distinguished between<br />

two kinds of Germany. On the one side, there was<br />

the (bad) Germany of the Prussian squires, the rich<br />

industrialists, the influential generals, the Romantic<br />

philosophers, and the legal positivists; but on the<br />

other (good) side, there were the passionate pacifists,<br />

the trade unionists, the idealistic socialists, and the<br />

enlightened philosophers. The obvious solution …<br />

was to foster the good party at the expense of the bad<br />

one.<br />

“The third option was provided by ‘character<br />

reformers’. They rejected the Morgenthau plan and<br />

dismissed the thesis of the two different Germanys.<br />

Instead, they maintained that certain qualities—such<br />

as, for instance, aggressiveness or racism—are in no<br />

way hereditary but simply the outcome of a certain<br />

‘misdirected’ culture.”<br />

According to Schrenck-Notzing, the solution<br />

offered by the “character reformers” was to “alter the<br />

general culture in Germany by introducing a new style<br />

of leadership”, which they expected would eventually<br />

lead to a new way of life in Germany. In the end, the<br />

Allied Powers adopted this approach.<br />

But in order to change the German character,<br />

democracy first had to be established. Setting up<br />

a democracy not only meant creating political<br />

institutions on the basis of regular elections and offices<br />

with term limits; it also required a deep transformation<br />

of the whole political culture. Democracy had to be<br />

FKBF<br />

The late Caspar von Schrenck-Notzing (1927-2009) in the<br />

prime of his life.<br />

publicly praised and it had to be practiced so that it<br />

would eventually become the natural inclination of all<br />

Germans.<br />

In order to realize this goal, various things had<br />

to happen: The German school system had to be<br />

changed, faculties of political science at universities<br />

needed to be founded, the content of television<br />

programmes had to be adjusted, and the old party<br />

system had to be completely re-modelled. Schrenck-<br />

Notzing offered a fundamental critique of this<br />

“character-washing”. He argued that the influence<br />

of the Allied Powers on Germany went far beyond<br />

the political and military realm, and that they ended<br />

up imposing an ideology—using methods not unlike<br />

those used by prior political regimes.<br />

In this respect, Schrenck-Notzing observed<br />

that none of the institutions like schools, universities,<br />

the press, etc. were ever ‘free’ in the sense that a<br />

true democracy is supposed to be free. Rather, such<br />

institutions were first studied systematically and then<br />

afterwards supervised closely. Schrenck-Notzing<br />

called this kind of a democracy an “educational<br />

democracy”—one that does not give power to<br />

people but, on the contrary, only to a select group of<br />

individuals who direct, control, and manipulate public<br />

opinion.<br />

In his Foreword to Charakterwäsche, Schrenck-<br />

The European Conservative 47

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