CONSERVATIVE
eurocon_12_2015_summer-fall
eurocon_12_2015_summer-fall
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Caspar von Schrenck-Notzing:<br />
Conservative Founding Father<br />
Harald Bergbauer<br />
Caspar von Schrenck-Notzing (1927-2009)<br />
was a leading German conservative in the period<br />
after World War II. Between the 1960s and 1990s,<br />
he founded the widely-read conservative magazine<br />
Criticón, set up the Foundation for Conservative<br />
Education and Research, and published a number<br />
of thought-provoking books. And in 2006, he was<br />
a decisive voice supporting the establishment of the<br />
conservative European association, the Vanenburg<br />
Society.<br />
His most prominent book is Charakterwäsche<br />
(Character-Washing), which appeared in 1965. It<br />
contained an excellent analysis of the ways Germans<br />
had been ‘re-educated’ after World War II. In it he<br />
explained that Allied forces saw three possibilities to<br />
deal with Germany after the war:<br />
“The first possibility referred to the so-called<br />
‘Morgenthau plan’ which saw Germany as the great<br />
and perpetual source of disturbances in world history,<br />
and recommended the permanent isolation of the<br />
country from its neighbours, as well as the systematic<br />
weakening of its economic and political power.<br />
[Germany] should be re-modelled as an agrarian<br />
state.”<br />
“The second option distinguished between<br />
two kinds of Germany. On the one side, there was<br />
the (bad) Germany of the Prussian squires, the rich<br />
industrialists, the influential generals, the Romantic<br />
philosophers, and the legal positivists; but on the<br />
other (good) side, there were the passionate pacifists,<br />
the trade unionists, the idealistic socialists, and the<br />
enlightened philosophers. The obvious solution …<br />
was to foster the good party at the expense of the bad<br />
one.<br />
“The third option was provided by ‘character<br />
reformers’. They rejected the Morgenthau plan and<br />
dismissed the thesis of the two different Germanys.<br />
Instead, they maintained that certain qualities—such<br />
as, for instance, aggressiveness or racism—are in no<br />
way hereditary but simply the outcome of a certain<br />
‘misdirected’ culture.”<br />
According to Schrenck-Notzing, the solution<br />
offered by the “character reformers” was to “alter the<br />
general culture in Germany by introducing a new style<br />
of leadership”, which they expected would eventually<br />
lead to a new way of life in Germany. In the end, the<br />
Allied Powers adopted this approach.<br />
But in order to change the German character,<br />
democracy first had to be established. Setting up<br />
a democracy not only meant creating political<br />
institutions on the basis of regular elections and offices<br />
with term limits; it also required a deep transformation<br />
of the whole political culture. Democracy had to be<br />
FKBF<br />
The late Caspar von Schrenck-Notzing (1927-2009) in the<br />
prime of his life.<br />
publicly praised and it had to be practiced so that it<br />
would eventually become the natural inclination of all<br />
Germans.<br />
In order to realize this goal, various things had<br />
to happen: The German school system had to be<br />
changed, faculties of political science at universities<br />
needed to be founded, the content of television<br />
programmes had to be adjusted, and the old party<br />
system had to be completely re-modelled. Schrenck-<br />
Notzing offered a fundamental critique of this<br />
“character-washing”. He argued that the influence<br />
of the Allied Powers on Germany went far beyond<br />
the political and military realm, and that they ended<br />
up imposing an ideology—using methods not unlike<br />
those used by prior political regimes.<br />
In this respect, Schrenck-Notzing observed<br />
that none of the institutions like schools, universities,<br />
the press, etc. were ever ‘free’ in the sense that a<br />
true democracy is supposed to be free. Rather, such<br />
institutions were first studied systematically and then<br />
afterwards supervised closely. Schrenck-Notzing<br />
called this kind of a democracy an “educational<br />
democracy”—one that does not give power to<br />
people but, on the contrary, only to a select group of<br />
individuals who direct, control, and manipulate public<br />
opinion.<br />
In his Foreword to Charakterwäsche, Schrenck-<br />
The European Conservative 47