CONSERVATIVE
eurocon_12_2015_summer-fall
eurocon_12_2015_summer-fall
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The End of Germany?<br />
Thomas Spannring<br />
Rarely has a book caused so much controversy<br />
and upset among Germany’s well-to-do and progressive<br />
elites as Thilo Sarrazin’s Deutschland schafft sich ab—a<br />
title that translates into Germany Abolishes Itself. First<br />
published in 2010, the book has sold over 1.5 million<br />
copies, making it one of the most successful books on<br />
contemporary politics in post-war Germany.<br />
The book might well have gone unnoticed had it<br />
not been for the prominence of its author. Sarrazin is<br />
an economist who at one time was a senior manager of<br />
Deutsche Bahn (Germany’s federal railway), as well as<br />
serving as the Finance Senator of Berlin. He was also<br />
an executive board member of Europe’s most powerful<br />
central bank, the German Bundesbank.<br />
A quick glance at the book’s index could lead<br />
the unsuspecting reader into believing that the book<br />
is merely another historical analysis of Germany, the<br />
German people, and Europe in general. To be sure,<br />
Sarrazin spends the first two (of nine) chapters setting<br />
the scene, providing the background for the rest of the<br />
book by giving historical accounts of the development of<br />
German society and the German state, and building the<br />
basis for the arguments that he makes in the following<br />
chapters. Interestingly, his concluding ninth chapter can<br />
almost be read as a work of satire, independent from<br />
the rest of the book, as Sarrazin describes two possible<br />
scenarios—“a dream and a nightmare”—of the future of<br />
Germany a hundred years from now.<br />
Sarrazin makes his key arguments based on the<br />
social and economic problems caused by immigration,<br />
and the decline of the German birth-rate. He focuses<br />
especially on the uncontrolled immigration of largely<br />
uneducated peoples from the Muslim world. He claims<br />
that Muslim workers are disproportionally less integrated<br />
into the job market, hold fewer skills, and have a tendency<br />
of building sub-cultures that not only act independently<br />
but are, in fact, hostile to German culture as a whole.<br />
Many of his arguments and examples are drawn<br />
from his experiences as a professional and politician<br />
living in Berlin, but he supplements these with statistics<br />
and other resources. And throughout the book, Sarrazin<br />
repeats the urgent message of the book’s title, arguing<br />
that unless restrictions to immigration are implemented<br />
immediately—combined with reforms in schooling and<br />
education—Germany will abolish itself.<br />
When it was first published in 2010, the book<br />
was one of the first to openly criticize the country’s<br />
endemic political correctness and the immigration of<br />
unqualified immigrant workers into Germany. (Sarrazin<br />
is a proponent of the immigration of well-qualified<br />
individuals.) The book attacked the systematic denial by<br />
government elites that immigration has placed a burden<br />
on German culture and society.<br />
By talking about culture and ethnicity as driving<br />
forces in society, Sarrazin broke the post-war taboo in<br />
Deutschland schafft sich ab:<br />
Wie wir unser Land aufs Spiel setzen<br />
Thilo Sarrazin<br />
Munich: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 2010<br />
Germany that forbade anyone from arguing that some<br />
people’s values might be irreconcilable with Western<br />
values. The Left in particular was ready to condemn<br />
Sarrazin as a ‘racist’. Protest rallies were organized<br />
wherever Sarrazin appeared, and anytime he tried to<br />
speak about his book he was received by angry mobs.<br />
Sarrazin’s critics, however, have missed the point<br />
he was trying to make. In fact, he merely dared to put<br />
down on paper what many Germans were already thinking<br />
but did not dare to say: that immigrant communities<br />
have created parallel societies within Germany that in<br />
many ways are hostile to native German and Western<br />
values—and especially to democracy. In addition, these<br />
communities are seen as draining resources away from<br />
the state in the form of social welfare programmes.<br />
For the discerning American reader, this book may<br />
seem like much ado about nothing, as it merely seems to<br />
capture the status quo of a Europe in decline, a common<br />
topic in the American press. But for Europeans—<br />
and Germans in particular—Sarrazin’s book sounds<br />
The European Conservative 31