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The End of Germany?<br />

Thomas Spannring<br />

Rarely has a book caused so much controversy<br />

and upset among Germany’s well-to-do and progressive<br />

elites as Thilo Sarrazin’s Deutschland schafft sich ab—a<br />

title that translates into Germany Abolishes Itself. First<br />

published in 2010, the book has sold over 1.5 million<br />

copies, making it one of the most successful books on<br />

contemporary politics in post-war Germany.<br />

The book might well have gone unnoticed had it<br />

not been for the prominence of its author. Sarrazin is<br />

an economist who at one time was a senior manager of<br />

Deutsche Bahn (Germany’s federal railway), as well as<br />

serving as the Finance Senator of Berlin. He was also<br />

an executive board member of Europe’s most powerful<br />

central bank, the German Bundesbank.<br />

A quick glance at the book’s index could lead<br />

the unsuspecting reader into believing that the book<br />

is merely another historical analysis of Germany, the<br />

German people, and Europe in general. To be sure,<br />

Sarrazin spends the first two (of nine) chapters setting<br />

the scene, providing the background for the rest of the<br />

book by giving historical accounts of the development of<br />

German society and the German state, and building the<br />

basis for the arguments that he makes in the following<br />

chapters. Interestingly, his concluding ninth chapter can<br />

almost be read as a work of satire, independent from<br />

the rest of the book, as Sarrazin describes two possible<br />

scenarios—“a dream and a nightmare”—of the future of<br />

Germany a hundred years from now.<br />

Sarrazin makes his key arguments based on the<br />

social and economic problems caused by immigration,<br />

and the decline of the German birth-rate. He focuses<br />

especially on the uncontrolled immigration of largely<br />

uneducated peoples from the Muslim world. He claims<br />

that Muslim workers are disproportionally less integrated<br />

into the job market, hold fewer skills, and have a tendency<br />

of building sub-cultures that not only act independently<br />

but are, in fact, hostile to German culture as a whole.<br />

Many of his arguments and examples are drawn<br />

from his experiences as a professional and politician<br />

living in Berlin, but he supplements these with statistics<br />

and other resources. And throughout the book, Sarrazin<br />

repeats the urgent message of the book’s title, arguing<br />

that unless restrictions to immigration are implemented<br />

immediately—combined with reforms in schooling and<br />

education—Germany will abolish itself.<br />

When it was first published in 2010, the book<br />

was one of the first to openly criticize the country’s<br />

endemic political correctness and the immigration of<br />

unqualified immigrant workers into Germany. (Sarrazin<br />

is a proponent of the immigration of well-qualified<br />

individuals.) The book attacked the systematic denial by<br />

government elites that immigration has placed a burden<br />

on German culture and society.<br />

By talking about culture and ethnicity as driving<br />

forces in society, Sarrazin broke the post-war taboo in<br />

Deutschland schafft sich ab:<br />

Wie wir unser Land aufs Spiel setzen<br />

Thilo Sarrazin<br />

Munich: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 2010<br />

Germany that forbade anyone from arguing that some<br />

people’s values might be irreconcilable with Western<br />

values. The Left in particular was ready to condemn<br />

Sarrazin as a ‘racist’. Protest rallies were organized<br />

wherever Sarrazin appeared, and anytime he tried to<br />

speak about his book he was received by angry mobs.<br />

Sarrazin’s critics, however, have missed the point<br />

he was trying to make. In fact, he merely dared to put<br />

down on paper what many Germans were already thinking<br />

but did not dare to say: that immigrant communities<br />

have created parallel societies within Germany that in<br />

many ways are hostile to native German and Western<br />

values—and especially to democracy. In addition, these<br />

communities are seen as draining resources away from<br />

the state in the form of social welfare programmes.<br />

For the discerning American reader, this book may<br />

seem like much ado about nothing, as it merely seems to<br />

capture the status quo of a Europe in decline, a common<br />

topic in the American press. But for Europeans—<br />

and Germans in particular—Sarrazin’s book sounds<br />

The European Conservative 31

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