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JSOU Report 16-1<br />
In reality, the Syrian and Iraqi Ba’thists were reluctant to enter the kind of<br />
union proposed by Nasser. Nasser wanted a plebiscite to be held on the question<br />
of whether rule of the united UAR should be by committee or a single<br />
president. Remembering 1958, the Syrian Ba’thists and government rejected<br />
the plebiscite. This resulted in the resignation of the five Nasserist ministers. 97<br />
On 18 July 1963, Syrian Nasserists attempted to displace the Ba’thists in a<br />
coup led by Jaim ‘Alwan. The coup failed and, rather than the usual exile,<br />
the coup ringleaders were tried and executed. The coup and the subsequent<br />
suppression effectively ended Nasserism in Syria. 98 In August 1963, Nasser<br />
withdrew from the agreement of 17 April, and with a straight face, he accused<br />
the Ba’th of attempting to use it for “their own political ends.” 99<br />
In Iraq, the Ba’th faced a challenging situation. In the RCC, eight out<br />
of 18 civilians were Ba’thists. Of the military members, 8 of 10 officers were<br />
Ba’thist. Of the senior positions, Ahmad Hassan al-Bakr was prime minister,<br />
Tahir Yahya was chief of staff, Salih Mahdi Ammash was defense minister,<br />
and Hardan Tikriti was deputy chief of staff and air force commander. The<br />
old-line civilian Ba’thists looked with some suspicion on the military officers<br />
because most were relatively recent converts. The civilians, Aflaq’s protégés<br />
Ali Salih al-Sadi and Talib Shabib, found themselves trying to balance policy<br />
with the fact that the military had the ability to impose a solution. 100<br />
The split with Nasser pushed the Syrian and Iraqi Ba’th parties into closer<br />
alignment. On 26 August, Abd-al-Salaam Aref, now President of Iraq and<br />
Nasser’s old supporter, agreed to unity talks with the Syrian Ba’th. On 8<br />
October 1963, Iraq and Syria signed the Military Unity Charter as an initial<br />
step toward full unification. Despite this ‘progress,’ relations between the two<br />
Ba’th party branches had begun to unravel. Many in Iraq viewed it as Syrian<br />
Ba’thist domination. In both Iraq and Syria, generational differences between<br />
the older traditional Ba’thists and the younger generation created frictions.<br />
Aflaq and Sadi resorted to using the military to undermine each other. Coupled<br />
with the usual conflict between the military and civilian branches, bilateral<br />
unity talks faced obstacles. In Iraq, the situation was somewhat different.<br />
The power struggle within the Ba’th pitted the civilians who wanted to create<br />
a militia to counterbalance the military against Aref, nonaligned military<br />
officers, and waffling Ba’thist military officers who wanted to maintain their<br />
power. When a Syrian delegation showed up to discuss the mechanics of<br />
unity, Shabib asked Sami al-Jundi, “Are you really serious about this unity<br />
50