You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles
YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.
JSOU Report 16-1<br />
believed that the crisis had abated. Their assessment was that the United<br />
States was now bogged down in an unwinnable insurgency and that further<br />
adventurism in Syria was unlikely no matter how certain political elements<br />
in Washington wanted to see such a move. The situation allowed the Alawite<br />
regime to return to what it did best—straddle the regional fence. While Syria<br />
did not want to see the Iraq conflict spill over its borders, it played a double<br />
game of border cooperation with U.S. forces while simultaneously turning<br />
its head to cross border traffic in fighters and arms. Syria wanted a united<br />
but weakened Iraq because should Iraq split into its sectarian parts, then<br />
Damascus understood that it could be the next target for the united Sunnis<br />
of Syria and Western Iraq. 167<br />
For the Americans in Iraq, the situation had gone from bad to worse. For<br />
this reason, the Syrian regime calculated that it had some additional room<br />
for maneuver against its enemies—particularly those in Lebanon. In 2005,<br />
former Lebanese Rafiq Hariri was assassinated by a car bomb in Beirut. An<br />
opponent of the Syrian military occupation and an ally of Saudi Arabia and<br />
the West, the immediate reaction was to blame the Assad regime, the pro-<br />
Syrian Lebanese government, and Hezbollah. The assassination resulted in<br />
massive protests, the Cedar Revolution, that forced the withdrawal of Syrian<br />
forces from Lebanon. 168 The political storm following Hariri’s death undermined<br />
any hope that the Assad regime might have had for international<br />
rehabilitation. It fit squarely into the Western narrative that the Alawite<br />
regime was in fact a rogue regime.<br />
That said, the aftermath likely encouraged the view in Damascus that<br />
it should act to protect what it perceived as its own interests regardless of<br />
world opinion and Western condemnation, because in the end, neither the<br />
United States nor France were willing to do much about it in this case. Pro-<br />
Syrian elements stonewalled the investigation and assassinated witnesses<br />
and investigators; in the end, only low-level perpetrators from Hezbollah<br />
were indicted. After the Syrian withdrawal, the Cedar Revolution burned<br />
itself out. As one commentator pointed out, “The reality is that Lebanon<br />
has had democracy for quite some time … But instead of being a panacea<br />
for the country’s problems, this relative excess of democracy has merely<br />
exacerbated them.” Lebanon, like Syria and Iraq, is a “bewildering array<br />
of ethno-religious and political fiefdoms.” It has avoided the centralized<br />
authoritarian rule by “devolving power back to the various clans, parties,<br />
and religious groups that constitute, in effect, a collection of mini-states.” 169<br />
82