Report - Social Watch Philippines

Recommendations

Info

and Palawan movement and Mindanao Independent Movement lead by Moro politicians such as Sen. Salipada Pendatun and Cong. Rashid Lucman respectively is an assertion of the Moro people’s right to self-determination to end injustices, political marginalization and poverty. These movements gained strength and prominence when they founded the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) lead by the University of the Philippines Professor Nur Misuari. Later in 1978, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) was established lead by Moro religious icon Ustadz Hashim Salamat. Both the MNLF and MILF had engaged in full blown wars against the Philippine government not because these revolutionary forces wanted to seize political power from the Philippine state but because the struggle is a legitimate expression of the Moro people’s resistance against decades of injustices, discrimination and poverty. Philippine state policy towards armed resistance The Philippine government implemented a multifaceted framework in dealing with the armed resistance of the Moro revolutionaries. After the completion of the resettlement program of bringing an infl ux of migrants from the North and Central Philippines to Mindanao that subsequently made the migrants the majority of the population compared to native Mindanaons such as the Moros and Lumads, violence and confl icts over land ownership occurred. Vigilantes and para-military groups were organized and the ensuing cycle of land confl icts have been under the guise of religious (Muslim & Christian) divides. Militarization The intensity of violence in Mindanao is also a blessing in disguise in favor of the former military strongman Ferdinand Marcos who placed the entire country under Martial Law in 1972. Pacifi cation and assimilation processes continue to wreck havoc against the now minority Moros and Lumads. While Marcos did his best through Martial Law, Cory Aquino opened up a “democratic window” but still pursued the Low Intensity Confl ict in dealing with the armed resistance. Her successor Fidel Ramos championed his maximum tolerance deeply rooted in his Westpointer way of counter-insurgency tactics. Joseph Estrada declared an “all-out war” policy and Gloria Arroyo just continued what Estrada started even to the extent of putting into jail the MNLF leader Nur Misuari. Militarization 158 SOCIAL WATCH PHILIPPINES brings in endless confl icts and aggravates poverty in the region. Peace negotiations Former military strongman Ferdinand Marcos inked the Tripoli Agreement in 1976 ending the intensive war between the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and the GRP. Brokered by Libya through the auspices of Organizations of Islamic Conference (OIC) which MNLF is a member, the negotiation underwent major ups and downs due to the vagueness of the provisions of the Tripoli Agreement. Cory Aquino did her own Jeddah Accord with the MNLF as part of her ‘democratic space’ following her victory that toppled the military dictator Ferdinand Marcos. The Jeddah Accord has resulted in no major impact but did douse the militancy of the revolution in the process. Fidel Ramos reaped the fruits of Cory Aquino posturing that weakened the militancy of the MNLF and brought the aging MNLF head Nur Misuari into signing the GRP-MNLF Final Peace Agreement in 1996. In 1997, peace negotiations also started between the GRP and Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) under the Moro religious icon Hashim Salamat. The negotiation which was not made transparent and claimed of consultations from within Mindanao, produced the Memorandum of Agreement of Ancestral Domain (MOA-AD),crafted and initialed by both the GRP and MILF, but was later junked by the Philippine Supreme Court. To date, review and continued refi nement of the GRP-MNLF Final Peace Agreement is underway for the implementation of the Second Phase of the Agreement. The GRP-MNLF signed the MoU in Tripoli, Libya, on March 20, 2010, and inked another peace deal on May 30, 2010 in Surabaya, Indonesia, for the Bangsamoro Development Assistance Fund or BDAF, with an initial Php 100 million allocation from the President’s contingency plan. BDAF’s creation (Executive Order No. 872 by former PGMA) was recommended by the tripartite review of the 1996 fi nal peace agreement to implement an economic catch-up plan. Will this be honored by the latest Philippine president? That we have yet to know. On June 3, 2010, the GRP and MILF signed the Declaration of Continuity for Peace Negotiation which is still being brokered by the Malaysian government with additional members of the International Monitoring Team such as the European Union as Coordinator
of the Humanitarian, Rehabilitation and Development Component and Norway as the member of Security Component. These are in addition to the International Contact Group (ICG) – the United Kingdom, Japan and Turkey. Development Interventions Massive development projects were introduced in Mindanao, from the Commonwealth period upto the height of migration of settlers to Mindanao, basically to develop agricultural lands. This is where the phrase “Land of Promise” cropped up. It’s a government promise to the settlers which resulted in the granting of vast tracts of lands all over Mindanao. Road networks were engineered along with airports and seaports and other infrastructures primarily to serve the investments brought into the area. Employment opportunities brought by these investments were not enjoyed by the locals (Moros & Lumads). It was the labor force coming from the settlers that were tapped and thus promoted a second wave of migrants. The GRP-MNLF FPA in 1996 provided a window for the much needed development in the 13 identifi ed provinces in Mindanao. However, projects implemented in the Zones of Peace and Development (ZSOPAD) areas do not have an impact on the targeted beneficiaries. The second phase of the Agreement implementation that resulted in the creation of the present Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM), failed to deliver the badly needed reparation and basic social services in the Moro communities in the fi ve Muslim-dominated provinces. There are hopefully rehabilitation and development projects that will take place as a result of the GRP-MILF talks, but such projects might not be that all possible within the next fi ve years, the target date of the Millennium Development Goals. Today, the quest for genuine peace and development in Mindanao areas remains a legitimate aspiration of all Mindanaons. Prospects for the Bangsamoro genuine right to self-determination under the new Aquino administration whether it will follow the same path with its predecessors or not, are still to be realized. Winning the Numbers, Losing the War: The Other MDG Report 2010 159
Page 3 and 4:
Winning the Numbers, Losing the War
Page 5 and 6:
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT Many deserve our th
Page 7 and 8:
CLEEP Comprehensive Livelihood and
Page 9 and 10:
MOA-AD Memorandum of Agreement on A
Page 11 and 12:
ABOUT THE AUTHORS/CONTRIBUTORS Leon
Page 13:
FOREWORD By ISAGANI R. SERRANO This
Page 17 and 18:
An urgent MDG message: Inadequate f
Page 19 and 20:
The use of the budget instrument fo
Page 21 and 22:
MDG chances: stability and vulnerab
Page 23 and 24:
may mean a short honeymoon period.
Page 25 and 26:
what we got from Annex I countries
Page 27 and 28:
(Php58.6 Billion) of GDP at current
Page 29 and 30:
Fourth Assessment Report provide a
Page 31 and 32:
Losing the war on poverty The Other
Page 33 and 34:
Table 1. Philippines’ MDG progres
Page 35 and 36:
(NER) and medium on both cohort sur
Page 37 and 38:
incidence of 97.46 percent. The las
Page 39 and 40:
special needs; (c) 228,928 women in
Page 41 and 42:
cultural structures urgently needin
Page 43:
capacity to confront the dreaded cl
Page 46 and 47:
MDG Goal 1 Targets 1 and 3: On erad
Page 48 and 49:
Table 1. Prevalence of undernutriti
Page 50 and 51:
2007, women’s national unemployme
Page 52 and 53:
in the service and production secto
Page 54 and 55:
een generally positive—increased
Page 56 and 57:
Table 9: Partial Listing of Big Lan
Page 58 and 59:
and promote gender equality in all
Page 60 and 61:
While many see this as an education
Page 62 and 63:
seen in both public and private pre
Page 64 and 65:
and therefore, limited coverage. Th
Page 66 and 67:
Table 7. Education Expenditure as a
Page 68 and 69:
Box 2. Education budget tracking (2
Page 70 and 71:
This paper looks at highly vulnerab
Page 72 and 73:
to education. 5 In practice, debt p
Page 74 and 75:
Table 5. Distribution of Government
Page 76 and 77:
Table 7. Average Daily Basic Pay by
Page 78 and 79:
in the 80’s, according to Sibal,
Page 80 and 81:
eports of female OFW deaths, sexual
Page 82 and 83:
Table 13. Trafficked Migrants Assis
Page 84 and 85:
plicating overpopulation and poor w
Page 86 and 87:
CAN$318.8 billion. While they found
Page 88 and 89:
. Women’s economic empowerment i.
Page 90 and 91:
statistics-fs-violence-against-fi l
Page 92 and 93:
New policies and programs meant to
Page 94 and 95:
Table 2: Immunization Status 1998 2
Page 96 and 97:
Table 4. List of Nutritionally Vuln
Page 98 and 99:
percent), who gave birth at home (9
Page 100 and 101:
protocol is another comprehensive s
Page 102 and 103:
5. Revamping the health insurance s
Page 104 and 105:
Universalizing health care As we po
Page 106 and 107:
Progress of work in improving mater
Page 108 and 109:
Figure 2. Use of Skilled Birth Atte
Page 110 and 111:
In terms of postnatal care, 77 perc
Page 112 and 113:
Abortion Worldwide abortion rates h
Page 114 and 115:
went down from 9.8 percent in 2005
Page 116 and 117:
longer to health care centers in co
Page 118 and 119:
However, USAID, with the concurrenc
Page 120 and 121:
Box 1. Safe Motherhood: a brief his
Page 123 and 124: The rising challenge of HIV/AIDS an
Page 125 and 126: Sexual transmission remains to be t
Page 127 and 128: national response. Since health was
Page 129 and 130: Figure 7. Frequency distribution of
Page 131 and 132: Table 5. Annual estimated cost for
Page 133 and 134: tion of Public-Private Mix Departme
Page 135 and 136: Not much time, but not without opti
Page 137 and 138: Questions and more questions on the
Page 139 and 140: Figure 1: Biodiversity Hotspots Bio
Page 141 and 142: MDG’s, but more importantly, on b
Page 143 and 144: 8. Organic Agriculture Act of 2010;
Page 145 and 146: science Bureau (MGB) but funded by
Page 147 and 148: Problems and gaps Incoherent and cl
Page 149 and 150: must be able to provide for non-pro
Page 151 and 152: Trade, debt and aid: MDG retardants
Page 153 and 154: Table 1. Recent Trade and Investmen
Page 155 and 156: elated social spending; Three, ille
Page 157 and 158: eing proposed in Congress. But more
Page 159: Results - Developing countries and
Page 162 and 163: Mindanao situation Mindanao is the
Page 164 and 165: Table 1.Cohort Survival Rate by Reg
Page 166 and 167: MTPDP has not gained momentum to ef
Page 168 and 169: Seven provinces in Mindanao, almost
Page 170 and 171: a. Lobby for the crafting of laws a
Page 172 and 173: Moro situation after the Treaty of
Page 176 and 177: Appendix B Are the Moros Filipinos?
Page 178 and 179: Government with respect to the Moro
Page 180 and 181: legal and political shields behind
Page 182 and 183: Goals and Targets (from the Millenn
show all

Report - Social Watch Philippines

Create successful ePaper yourself

Delete template?

Save as template?