Report - Social Watch Philippines
Report - Social Watch Philippines
Report - Social Watch Philippines
You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles
YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.
Where P-Noy is taking off from<br />
The <strong>Philippines</strong> Fourth Progress <strong>Report</strong> on the<br />
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) has laid<br />
out what the previous PGMA regime achieved in the<br />
last ten years. It’s a mixed bag of accomplishments and<br />
shortfalls in each of the eight MDGs.<br />
The previous regime takes pride in having set the<br />
economic fundamentals. It has publicly challenged the<br />
new regime to prove that the consistent positive growth<br />
in GNP and GDP of the last ten years can be sustained.<br />
The balance of payments is positive.<br />
Moreover, an environmental legacy of 26 legislations,<br />
covering concerns like solid waste, clean air, clean<br />
water, renewable energy, climate change, disaster risk<br />
reduction and management, and organic agriculture,<br />
are certainly laudable. Supreme Court Chief Justice<br />
Reynato Puno has also added his own green imprint in<br />
the justice system. This includes the writ of kalikasan,<br />
green courts, and continuing mandamus to rehabilitate<br />
Manila Bay.<br />
Our country is said to be a ‘net carbon sink’ based<br />
on our latest greenhouse gas (GHG) inventory, given<br />
the 700,000 hectares net increase in our forest cover.<br />
Public awareness on environment and climate change<br />
issues has increased greatly. All these of course would<br />
not have been possible without the sustained efforts<br />
of non-state actors and an environmental legacy that<br />
traces back to Marcos time.<br />
But ensuring environmental sustainability means<br />
much more than laws and policies. Indeed we have<br />
passed more than enough environmental legislation<br />
since our participation in the UN Conference on Human<br />
Environment in Stockholm in 1972. It is also in<br />
the environment sector where we observe wide gaps<br />
in policy and action. Green mandates remain poorly<br />
funded as environment ranks low in budget priority.<br />
Considering the fi scal crisis, additional appropriations<br />
for the environment are not easy to come by.<br />
Even more basic, the environment has always been<br />
sacrifi ced in the name of growth.<br />
Remittances of overseas Filipino workers<br />
(OFWs)—between 16 and 18 billion US dollars annually—have<br />
streamed in despite global economic<br />
crises. Ours would be equivalent to the World Bank’s<br />
historical annual lending average and about three times<br />
that of the ADB’s. Few countries outside of China and<br />
India have had so much fortune.<br />
The country’s balance of trade negative is of course<br />
consistently negative. The country is the world’s big-<br />
6 SOCIAL WATCH PHILIPPINES<br />
gest rice importer. Our so-called export winners, like<br />
electronics are import-dependent.<br />
The country continues to grapple with huge budget<br />
defi cits and mounting debt burden. Tax collection<br />
may be improving but the highest levels of collection<br />
have barely made a dent on the defi cit.<br />
The culture of impunity and privilege fostered in<br />
the old regime had dampened and eroded the possibility<br />
of change. It’s now up to P-Noy to lift the nation<br />
from that feeling of hopelessness and give every citizen<br />
a reason to believe that real change is going to happen<br />
under his watch.<br />
The alternative or shadow report prepared by<br />
<strong>Social</strong> <strong>Watch</strong> <strong>Philippines</strong>, while giving due regard to<br />
the progress made, presents a different picture. Despite<br />
consistent positive economic growth—6 percent on average—there<br />
are more poor Filipinos now than when we<br />
set off on the MDG track in 2000. The high inequality<br />
picture of 1990—expressed in income, employment,<br />
spatial, gender, ethnic dimensions—hardly changed or<br />
might have even worsened. These outcomes indicate<br />
that we have not won the war on poverty as declared<br />
by ex-PGMA on assumption to offi ce in 2001. We<br />
may in fact be losing that war, considering the many<br />
challenges before us.<br />
Under a regime of stability<br />
The previous regime came to power in a turbulent<br />
changeover. Shortly after assumption of offi ce, it was<br />
challenged by mass protests, called the EDSA3, which<br />
led to tragic consequences. From then on, there was no<br />
let up in other forms of challenges to the unpopular<br />
regime, including military coups, Moro insurgencies,<br />
and communist rebellion. On top of all these, the<br />
country had to suffer the impacts of the global crises in<br />
fi nance and economy, food and feed, fuel and energy,<br />
and now climate change.<br />
In contrast the P-Noy regime’s ascent happened<br />
with a smooth transition. Most of all, we now have a<br />
new regime whose legitimacy is beyond question.<br />
The unprecedented mandate given to P-Noy may<br />
be seen as a vote for what ex-PGMA was not, as a vote<br />
for change, a vote of hope that the change will happen.<br />
While nothing can be guaranteed, we are certain that<br />
the ‘We can do it’ feeling pervades across the land.<br />
And that makes for a comparatively easier building of a<br />
nationwide consensus for ending poverty and achieving<br />
sustainable development.<br />
A word of caution, though, high expectations