Coming of Age : 1976 and the Road to Anti-Racism

of immigrant children in one class slows down the general routine of working and hampers the progress of the whole
class, especially where the immigrants do not speak or write English fluently’. This, it said, was bad for immigrant
children too for ‘they would not get as good an introduction to British life as they would get in a normal school’.
Besides, there was the danger of white parents removing their children and making some schools ‘predominantly
immigrant schools’. (12) In November Sir Edward Boyle, the avowedly liberal Minister of Education, told the House
of Commons that it was ‘desirable on education grounds that no one school should have more than about 30 per
cent of immigrants’. Accordingly, in June 1965 Boyle’s law enacted that there should be no more than a third of immigrant
children in any school; the surplus should be bussed out’ (13) — but white children would not be bussed in.
As for West Indian children, whose difficulties were ostensibly ‘Creolese English, low educability
and behaviour problem’, the solution would be found in remedial classes and even ‘special’ schools.
None of these measures, or the various instances discrimination - went without protest, however.
The Bristol Bus Company, for instance, was subjected to demonstrations for weeks until
it finally capitulated. Police harassment, as already mentioned, was documented and published
by West Indian Associations. The relegation of children into special classes continued to be fought
- first by the North London West Indian Association and then by other local and nationwide organisations.
But, by and large, the unity - between West Indians, Asians, militants and moderates — that had spring
up between the riots of 1958 and the Immigration Act of 1962 had been dissipated by more immediate concerns.
Now there were families to house, children to school and dependants to look after: the immigrations
were becoming settlers. And since it was Asian immigrants who, more than the West Indian, had come
on a temporary basis — to make enough money to send to their impoverished homes — before the Immigration
Act foreclosed on them, it was their families and relatives who swelled the numbers now. And their politics
tended to become settler politics — petitioning, lobbying, influencing political parties, weighing-in on
(if not yet entering) local government elections — and their struggles working-class struggles on the factory
floor — and they, by virtue of being fought in the teeth of trade union racism, were to prove political too.
In May 1965 the first important ‘immigrant’ strike took place — at Courtauld’s Red Scar Mill in Preston — over the
management’s decision to force Asian workers (who were concentrated, with a few West Indians, in one area of
the labour process) to work more machines for (proportionately) less pay. (14) The strike failed, but not before it
had exposed the active collaboration of the white workers and the union with management. A few months earlier,
a smaller strike of Asian workers at Rockware Glass in Southall (London) had exposed a similar complicity.
And the Woolf Rubber Company strike later in the same year, though fought valiantly by the workers, supported
by the Asian community and by the IWA, lost out to the employers through lack of official union backing. (15)
The Afro-Caribbean struggles of this period (post 1962) also reflected a similar community base,
though different in origins. Ghana had become free in 1957, Uganda in 1962 and Jamaica and Trinidad
and Tobago in the same year, but there were other black colonies in Africa and the Caribbean
still to be liberated. And then there was the black colony in North America, which, beginning with Mar-
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