Trafficking in human beings: human rights and ... - unesdoc - Unesco

migrate in the fi rst place, 360 the recent impetus for trans-border traffi cking, as well as
smuggling or other clandestine forms of labour recruitment, is connected to imbalances
between the increasing supply of unskilled, indigent jobseekers on the one hand and the
360 The case of child migrants is an example of how very often migrant groups may be considered victims of
traffi cking even when they are not necessarily so – sort of the opposite from when very often traffi cking
victims are not discovered and simply considered irregular migrants and thus not offered protection.
Both situations shows exactly how diffi cult it may be to determine whether a case is traffi cking or
not and also how detriment it can be to groups of people and individuals if they are automatically
categorised as one or the other. People, including children, migrate for many reasons: to fi nd work;
to improve their personal situations; or to explore the world and new places. Despite the fact that
research suggests that children are very much involved with these diverse migration processes, policymakers
have paid little attention to broad questions about the factors prompting children to migrate,
their experience as migrants, the effects of immigration policies on children, or the consequences of
adult migration for children who are left at home. National and international focus has instead been
on certain phenomena such as child traffi cking and asylum-seeking and refugee children. Migration
has been until recently discussed mainly in terms of adult, male movement. Women and children
have been viewed as migrating only as dependents, as following their male relatives. This has led
child migrants to be considered as passive, vulnerable and necessarily exploited within the migration
process. Obviously children can be passive, vulnerable or exploited, but they are not necessarily so.
Viewing child migrants exclusively in this way ignores the fact that some children do make a decision
to migrate, and do so in much the same way as adults do. Assuming that children can only ever be
forced or colluded into migrating is a falsehood that overlooks the reality of many children’s lives.
Further having this view may actually push children into the exploitive situation they should be
protected from when they fi nd no alternative, which respect their migration plan. Generally, the ability
to migrate or travel legally without an adult is quite limited for children, especially internationally.
This means that children are more likely to travel irregularly and actually risk exploitation or abuse.
Research into independent child migration suggests that it is usually older children who are involved
in this phenomenon; that child migration is usually at it’s highest in regions where adult migration
is also high; that independent child migration can be, and often is, a positive decision taken by the
child with the aim of improving their life opportunities; and that child migrants, like adults, rely on
their social and fi nancial resource networks when migrating. International child protection campaigns
are exceedingly important in visibilising the harmful situations of many child migrants and they have
also been very important in raising awareness of the extent to which children in the developing world
are living away from their parents and home communities. However, as they bring some children into
focus, they also in-visibilise child migrants who do not fall into these categories and make it diffi cult
to estimate how many other children are moving and for what reasons. A central motivation for
children to migrate that is generally underplayed is their need or desire for income. There are a number
of reasons why children have such need. Many come from rural economies in which children start
earning their own independent incomes quite early, as well as making a contribution to family income.
Children may be encouraged to earn income for aspects of their own consumption, such as clothes, or
school fees. Children may also perceive a need to generate savings that can improve their livelihoods or
prospects. This does not mean, however, that the dangers especially independent migrant children face
are irrelevant. There are inherent insecurities, risks and dangers attached to the process of migration
itself, to which children are especially vulnerable. Adult migrants—particularly those who are poor,
inexperienced, or undocumented—and even more so child migrants, are targets for violence, theft,
and exploitation. In many situations they will not even be able to avail themselves of the assistance
from local authorities. A child migrant may also be the subject of adult decision making by members
of her family or others which not only places her or him in the complexities of the immigration system
but which also exposes her or him to such signifi cant harm which in any other context would trigger
powerful child protection mechanisms. See Touzenis, K.: Migrant Children’s Human Rights. IOM
International Migration Law Series N 15. IOM 2008.
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