Trafficking in human beings: human rights and ... - unesdoc - Unesco

traffi cking are embedded in social relations and are therefore diverse. It is diffi cult to
generalise interpretations based on fragmented evidence. A number of international nongovernmental
organisations have noted peculiarities of human traffi cking in Africa that
do not entirely fi t the international defi nition. The defi nition bases itself on the ‘model’ of
trans-national traffi cking, often attributed to the presence of large networks of organised
crime. Traffi cking in Africa is through small, family-related networks and does not always
take place across national borders. 385 It is obvious that the defi nition of traffi cking will not
clearly fi t all possible cases – some cases will be borderline and such cases may occur more
frequently in certain regions than in others. It is however very important to keep in mind
that not all exploitation is traffi cking and that in case exploitation occurs and cannot be
prosecuted as a traffi cking crime many elements of exploitation, if not exploitation itself,
can be prosecuted separately and will be a breach of international human rights law. Not
all transport and not all exploitation needs to fi t into the traffi cking defi nition in order to
warrant attention and in order to be a human rights violation.
Factors infl uencing traffi cking trends
In the process of implementing anti-traffi cking practices, the signifi cance of the social
and cultural milieus conducive to human traffi cking and re-traffi cking emerged as a new
subject requiring analytical attention. This analysis covers a variety of social structures
such as gender, sexuality, age and ethnicity, as well as intra-household dynamics and
attitudes of communities. The fi rst wave of traffi cking in adult women from West Africa
to Western Europe began in the 1980s and continued through the 1990s. This was
followed by the traffi cking of minors involving both males and females. Where children
are concerned, the specifi cities of their vulnerability deriving from local contexts (such as
belonging to marginal ethnic groups, subservient castes, or dysfunctional families affected
by war or disaster) have contributed to the creation of child-specifi c demand for wide-
diffi cult because traffi cking is hidden within large-scale smuggling operations. Signifi cant violations
of human rights and even fatalities occur because there is little profi t to be gained from each individual.
4. Violent entrepreneur model (prevailing in the Balkans): Large numbers of women are sold off
by criminal groups. Victims are controlled from recruitment to exploitation. Opportunistic use
is made of the instability and civil confl ict in the countries of origin. Groups take over existing
markets by use of force against already established organized criminal groups. There is signifi cant
use of corruption. Very high levels of profi ts are used to fi nance other illicit activities or to invest in
property and trade businesses. Extreme violations of human rights and brutal violence against victims
occur.5. Traditional slavery with modern technology (prevailing in Western Africa): Here there are
multifaceted criminal groups, with traffi cking in persons being one part of their criminal profi le.
Psychological as well as physical pressure are used. Modern transport links are combined with
traditional practices. Signifi cant human rights violations involve victims who are exploited in the
most physically dangerous conditions. Signifi cant fi nancial resources are involved. Small amounts
of the profi ts are returned to the local operations of the criminal groups and occasionally to family
members of the victims. Most of the profi ts are believed to fl ow into other illicit activities and are
laundered. UNGIFT: Traffi cking an overview p. 25.
385 UNESCO: Searching for Best Practices to Counter Human Traffi cking in Africa: A Focus on Women and
Children, p. 18.
140