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A.D. 381 heretics, pagans, and the dawn of the monotheistic state ( PDFDrive )

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Rome in 357, the first time he had ever visited the city. ‘The emperor was

greeted with welcoming cheers, which were echoed from the hills and

riverbanks, but in spite of the din he exhibited no emotion, but kept the same

impassive air as he commonly wore before his subjects in the provinces ... he

was like a dummy, gazing straight before him as if his head were in a vice and

turning neither to right nor left. When a wheel jolted he did not nod, and at no

point was he seen to spit or wipe or rub his face or nose or to move his hand.’ 5

How long could such a stance be kept up, especially when outside the rarified

atmosphere of the court the empire was in such disarray and only the emperor

could galvanise a response to the chaos?

This was the crucial tension inherent in Roman imperial rule in late antiquity.

Earlier emperors had remained close to the people. Hadrian, emperor from 117

to 138, was so easy to approach that there is a record of an old woman berating

him for not listening to her petition, telling him that he had no right to be

emperor if he did not respond. On campaign, the emperor was expected to share

the hardships of his men; it was said that the emperor Augustus went so far as to

sleep on a bed of straw. In complete contrast, the later Byzantine emperors in the

east emphasised their imperial divinity and delegated their fighting to generals

who would then offer the triumphs of any victories back to the emperor in a

public ceremony in the hippodrome in Constantinople. Valentinian, Valens,

Gratian and now Theodosius were in a transitional phase between these two

extremes. They enjoyed the honour of imperial power, but they had also to plan

strategies, raise resources and in the final resort win victories themselves. The

fate of Valens showed what disasters could follow if they cracked under the

pressure.

Imperial rule was conditioned by the vastness of the empire. The northern

border, from the mouth of the Rhine to that of the Danube on the Black Sea, was

2,000 kilometres long. The land route from the Black Sea to the Red Sea was

3,000 kilometres. In 376 Valens in Antioch was 500 kilometres from the Danube

where the Goths were massing, and a message and its reply would have taken a

month. The land routes were relatively secure; those across the Mediterranean

less so as winds and currents varied. In the winter the weather was so unstable

that shipping virtually came to a halt. As a result an emperor could never be sure

when orders sent by sea might arrive, if at all. Studies of voyages between Rome

and the wealthy province of Egypt show that they varied in length between 25

and 135 days. Very often an emperor could not have an accurate picture of an

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