On the Future of Indigenous Traditions - Munin
On the Future of Indigenous Traditions - Munin
On the Future of Indigenous Traditions - Munin
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<strong>the</strong>ir customary system, and this seems to be more important to <strong>the</strong>m than having <strong>the</strong><br />
separate state <strong>of</strong> Jharkhand.<br />
Jharkhand was one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> three new states formed in a series in <strong>the</strong> month <strong>of</strong><br />
November 2000, becoming <strong>the</strong> 28th state after <strong>the</strong> Parliament <strong>of</strong> India passed <strong>the</strong><br />
Bihar Reorganisation Bill in April 2000. 59<br />
The state’s law and order problems today have become more complex, intense and<br />
obvious than in <strong>the</strong> past years. <strong>On</strong> one hand <strong>the</strong> most obvious problems are <strong>the</strong><br />
alienation <strong>of</strong> Adivasi lands due to industrial ‘development’ and its expansion,<br />
extractive industries, and increasing number <strong>of</strong> urban estates to accommodate <strong>the</strong><br />
outside population. Expansion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se developmental industries and estates only have<br />
an annex development approach, thus economic marginalizing <strong>the</strong> already<br />
marginalized communities here. This kind <strong>of</strong> development has caused a ‘push factor’<br />
for <strong>the</strong> marginalized Adivasis and local communities to leave <strong>the</strong>ir native places in<br />
large numbers in search <strong>of</strong> a livelihood as cheap labourers or contract labourers at <strong>the</strong><br />
lowest levels – (This is explained in <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>oretical analysis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> situation in chapter<br />
four)<br />
<strong>On</strong> <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand ‘pull factors’ for outsiders. Building opportunities for formally<br />
specialized and skilled jobs, businesses, and fur<strong>the</strong>r service job for <strong>the</strong> urban elite<br />
have changed <strong>the</strong> whole demography <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> urban areas. If Adivasis are to have a<br />
place here, it is only through <strong>the</strong> provision <strong>of</strong> reserved seat given to <strong>the</strong>m in jobs,<br />
whe<strong>the</strong>r government or semi-government jobs, as well as some private sectors.<br />
The Adivasis who have <strong>the</strong>ir social and cultural roots in <strong>the</strong>ir native “rural” areas<br />
suffer from limited and poor developmental and agricultural policy <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> state, also<br />
indebtness as agriculture being <strong>the</strong> only traditional occupation which is not a self-<br />
Eight <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Scheduled Area blocked in Jharkhand are now been declared to have less <strong>the</strong>n 50 %<br />
Adivasis and <strong>the</strong>re is a plan to de-schedule <strong>the</strong>se blocks.<br />
59 Non-Adivasi political forces in Jharkhand are very strong and aggressive. They pressure <strong>the</strong><br />
government to <strong>the</strong>ir terms. PESA 1996 does not allow any non – Adivasis to hold <strong>of</strong>fice in <strong>the</strong> Adivasi<br />
Panchayat village, where as Jharkhand PRA 2002 allows <strong>the</strong> non-Adivasis to hold <strong>of</strong>fice which is again<br />
an encroachment on <strong>the</strong> privilege <strong>of</strong> Adivasis, as <strong>the</strong> non-Adivasis have already illegally or<br />
fraudulently occupied <strong>the</strong> lands in Adivasi areas and are now seeking power in village panchayats.<br />
44