On the Future of Indigenous Traditions - Munin

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Parya pointed out that, “not that all Mankis are learned and well informed… those who are well informed do perform well and are able to give an objective judgment.” And therefore, according to Parya’s own observation the general understanding among the Adivasis today is that to become a Manki today, the person has to have nothing important to do in his life. This is the situation today he argued, especially after the independence of the country. Those who got some education now don’t want to be the Manki or Munda but prefer to go for jobs, and thus “those persons who are seen as not useful member of the community, drunkards… not having any thing useful to do…, they are just nominated to be the Manki of the village. The competent and educated prefer to find jobs and leave such responsibilities… to the district court and the state police.” Parya explained his own case as being somewhat different than what he explained above. He said: “For me, I have been appointed Manki in 2002. Before it was my father’s elder (brother’s) son who was the Manki, and because he was found unfit for the responsibility, therefore I was asked and offered to take up this task.” Adding to this he further said, “I am doing my work, I don’t know how well I am doing… but when my decisions are respected by the court - state court of law, then I feel that it is making a difference. The people in the district court now know me for what I do.” (Parya is an educated and a learned young man, and from the people who had come to his office the day I visited him, he was addressed and treated with respect. I was also strongly recommended about meeting him, both in Ranchi and in Chaibasa if I am writing on the chosen theme.) Giving the background of the customary system in Kolhan, Shiv Charan Parya informed that there are 75 Mankis in total (in Kolahan region); however, after they died there are many who have not had a proper nomination and appointment. Proper updating has not been done of the new appointments with the state office nor are proper records kept of the same in the District office. According to him, a lack of understanding of such a system among the people in general is also the reason for such a neglect of this system. 88
The positive side of it is that people like him who have taken initiative for reviving it have changed the opinions of many in the district. Earlier Adivasi people had difficulty going to the “open market” (local term used for the District and Civil court of the state) for land dispute cases which is not the case with the customary system. He claims that there are “good people coming as initiatives are taken to find capable people in the running of the customary system.” While further explaining the nomination and appointment he also gives a background of the basis in which a Manki is selected. He stressed, that their responsibility is to represent and uphold the Adivasis collective interest and its values, and be fair in decision making. With regard to the nomination and appointment of the Mankis he says, “… in our great grand parents time to save our land and our regions… for example, Icha Raja came and attacked several times to capture these regions… and the one who led the defense line became their representative… people also gave him their consent… the one who has the strength and the courage leads…” Thus people nominate him as their Manki for his guidance and in return he has people’s support and consent his social administrative functioning. Manki was nominated because people needed him not because British officials appointed him during the colonial rule, Parya argues. He further says, “The Manki system was here and where the Manki system was not there it was felt that such a system should exist for better functioning and co-ordination. And therefore through the British authority with their hokum~nama they were appointed.” Here we also find that there are different pirs, each one has its own area and villages. In one pir there can be one Manki or more than one. For example, Parya is responsible for 28 villages, likewise there is a Manki who is responsible for 60 villages, but there is also one Manki responsible for just one village. What kind of functioning did the Manki system have during the colonial period and how is it now? He answered to this question by saying, “A civil crime which needs investigation such as murder, looting (taking away some ones belonging at gunpoint) with a death threat and rape etc. is handed over to the state police whereas the other disputes are handled by Manki because these [former] were a new kind of crime.” Initially, Parya observes, that among the Adivasis such crime, i.e. murder, looting and rape etc. were not known until recently. 89
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Acknowledgements I dedicate this wo
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Table of Contents On the Future of
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CHAPTER FIVE: CONCLUSION...........
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Map of India and Jharkhand Capital:
Page 11 and 12:
Statement of the problem: The socia
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important aspect of these communiti
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Limitations and scope: The Adivasis
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CHAPTER ONE: Background of the them
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pointed out at the lack of definiti
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“which specify the tribes of trib
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ules that maintain a balance betwee
Page 25 and 26:
1.2.4. - Political Jharkhand is a p
Page 27 and 28:
are associated with. Roy further ad
Page 29 and 30:
- but fought in vain - to steam the
Page 31 and 32:
2.2 The customary system / laws How
Page 33 and 34:
generation to another. Customs coul
Page 35 and 36:
khuntkatti dars - the decedents of
Page 37 and 38: The social organization for their a
Page 39 and 40: Among the Mundas these posts have b
Page 41 and 42: The sense of independence among the
Page 43 and 44: - That the practice of Adivasis cus
Page 45 and 46: sufficient occupation any more. Los
Page 47 and 48: Nevertheless, there were three reas
Page 49 and 50: the ‘modern temples of the nation
Page 51 and 52: the pilot projects of Peraj East Op
Page 53 and 54: Bank machines are lying unused. So
Page 55 and 56: 2.8 Which direction is the ‘devel
Page 57 and 58: CHAPTER THREE: Adivasi Politics 3.1
Page 59 and 60: “Originally, a tribe normally com
Page 61 and 62: system of the Adivasis that: “The
Page 63 and 64: policy of non-disturbing of the Adi
Page 65 and 66: specified, as the socio-cultural or
Page 67 and 68: 3.4. Rules & laws specific to Jhark
Page 69 and 70: in Jharkhand. They argue that reser
Page 71 and 72: 3.5. The “Tribe” /Adivasi ident
Page 73 and 74: In the political nation here, the r
Page 75 and 76: The policy of “‘tribals’ to d
Page 77 and 78: Jharkhand region and secondly, the
Page 79 and 80: The third point mentioned earlier i
Page 81 and 82: forward for discussion on the issue
Page 83 and 84: survived through different periods
Page 85 and 86: language called to be ‘the langua
Page 87: teen Manki court. That does not lim
Page 91 and 92: Munda (a post within the customary
Page 93 and 94: saying she was illegally building h
Page 95 and 96: the state mechanism and its process
Page 97 and 98: CHAPTER FIVE: CONCLUSION 5.1. Basic
Page 99 and 100: do we look at it to find the distin
Page 101 and 102: “…most important argument for m
Page 103 and 104: 5.3.1. Adivasi customary system in
Page 105 and 106: traditional customary system prove
Page 107 and 108: Bibliography / References: Books Ar
Page 109 and 110: Articles, Published and Unpublished
Page 111 and 112: Appendixes: International Definitio
Page 113: Maps 2 and 3 Photos sources: Cover
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On the Future of Indigenous Traditions - Munin

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