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Screen Memory - Department of English

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equation.<br />

There are few satisfactory models <strong>of</strong> how collective memory<br />

is constructed, how it is received, and what factors govern its<br />

endurance. Unlike its near synonyms, myth and tradition,<br />

collective memory is an active stratum <strong>of</strong> mentality, constantly<br />

8<br />

in the process <strong>of</strong> reformulation. Like personal memory,<br />

collective memory is determined by present needs and desires and,<br />

in their service, distorts or invents the past. As examples,<br />

David Thelen relates that in the relatively prosperous 1970s<br />

Americans recalled the 1930s not as a time <strong>of</strong> misery and struggle<br />

but as a time when people had been closer to each other, warmer<br />

and more caring, and John Foster and Wayne Froman cite the very<br />

late appearance <strong>of</strong> the Amistad mutiny <strong>of</strong> 1839-42 as a central<br />

part <strong>of</strong> the cultural memory <strong>of</strong> Sierra Leone (Thelen 1124 and<br />

Foster 90).<br />

Because collective memory is not memory it must circulate in<br />

the public realm in material form before it can lodge itself in<br />

our minds: in documents, memorials, commemorations, rituals,<br />

slogans or songs; “rules, laws, standardized procedures, and<br />

records . . . . books, holidays, statues, souvenirs” (Schudson<br />

1992:51). George Washington remains an important part <strong>of</strong> the<br />

American collective consciousness, for example, because he is<br />

commemorated through the celebration <strong>of</strong> his birth, the Washington<br />

Monument and his pr<strong>of</strong>ile on quarters and dollar bills (Johnson<br />

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