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VULNERABLE MISSION

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MISSIO DEI 4.1 (FEBRUARY 2013): 33–48<br />

had the responsibility to manage violations of the loyalty oaths. 32 This evidence suggests<br />

that there was in Thessalonica an ideology of the Roman empire which Paul’s message<br />

threatened.<br />

In fact, the Acts account tells us what that message was: there is a new emperor, one<br />

called Jesus (Acts 17:7). A quick survey of 1 Thessalonians tells us more about this “ideological<br />

intifada” 33 which Paul and Silas were proclaiming. First, we note that Paul remembers<br />

the opposition to the gospel he preached (1 Thess 2:2). This antagonism was<br />

to the subversive nature of his counter-imperial gospel. As Dieter Georgi reminds us,<br />

the strongest correlation to Paul’s use of euangelion is the Priene inscription. Relevant text<br />

from this inscription reads as follows:<br />

40<br />

Providence . . . has set in most perfect order by giving us Augustus . . . sending him as a<br />

savior (sotēr), both for us and for our descendants, that he might end war and arrange all<br />

things . . . and since the birthday of the god Augustus was the good tidings (euangelion) for<br />

the world. 34<br />

If this text represents a normative association of good tidings with the birthday of Augustus,<br />

called a god, then we can understand why indeed there was hostility to another<br />

gospel, one proclaiming Jesus as savior and Lord (kyrios). The Greeks had a long history<br />

of naming their current ruler as savior, 35 while Deissmann notes that kyrios was used to<br />

denote a Roman emperor at least from the time of Nero, though probably from Augustus<br />

onward. 36 Further, God has called the Thessalonian believers into his own kingdom<br />

(1 Thess 2:12). Again, such statements about another kingdom threaten the imperial<br />

rule of Rome, who throughout history were known to crush opposition. 37 Moving to<br />

chapter four of the letter, we have the political terms parousia and apantēsis, the former<br />

denoting the visit of a royal official, and the latter word describing the entourage of dignified<br />

citizens who would greet such an official. 38 This specific political terminology highlights<br />

that Jesus is the new royalty. Finally, we come to Paul’s mockery of Rome’s “peace<br />

and security” (1 Thess 5:3; nrSv), which Donfried calls a “frontal attack” on the early<br />

Principate. 39 The peace and security mantra of Rome epitomizes imperial propaganda<br />

in the face of its “permanent crisis of legitimation.” 40 According to historiographer Ernst<br />

Bammel, “Everywhere that Rome makes an appearance, the provision of peace and se-<br />

32 Ibid., 7.<br />

33 Original to Mark Chmiel, this phrase is cited in Neil Elliott, Liberating Paul: The Justice of God and the Politics<br />

of the Apostle (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2006), 189.<br />

83.<br />

34 Dieter Georgi, Theocracy in Paul’s Praxis and Theology, trans. David Green (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1991),<br />

35 Kahl, 68, notes that this term was taken by Attalus, the Pergamene ruler, as early as 240 BC, and the title<br />

was used of his successors in Asia Minor as well.<br />

36 Adolf Deissmann, Light from the Ancient East: The New Testament Illustrated by Recently Discovered Texts of the<br />

Graeco-Roman World (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1978), 351–58.<br />

37 Kahl, 53.<br />

38 Donfried, 34. Georgi, 27, notes that this welcoming has already happened in one sense, in the Thessalonian<br />

believers’ welcoming of God’s ambassador, Paul.<br />

39 Donfried, 34.<br />

40 Walter Wink, Engaging the Powers: Discernment and Resistance in a World of Domination (Minneapolis: Fortress<br />

Press, 1992), cited in Elliott, Liberating Paul, 185.

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