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egion by controlling the significant men in the area. Le Patourel defines this competition as the universal competition of the proto-feudal world. 14 Migration of aristocrats was also seen within Germany. We can say that this phenomenon led to the creation of a new power structure. There were Frankish aristocrats from Bavaria, Swabia, and Saxony who migrated to the Rhine, later on becoming counts and even dukes. After their migration, in conjunction with the king’s will, they created new territorial lordships. 15 In Bartlett’s terms, this is almost a reverse migration — from the edge (Saxony and Bavaria) towards the old Frankish heartlands. Aristocratic expansion was not simply a movement outwards from the heart of Francia. One aspect of the broadly Frankish cultural influence that spread along with the aristocratic diaspora can be seen in onomastics. By the eleventh century we recognise the spread of some names from one region to other regions as well as some changes in naming patterns amongst the migrants themselves. Among aristocrats it is even possible sometimes to make a good guess at the family, so distinct and particular are the naming patterns. Those who moved permanently from one linguistic or cultural world to another could feel the pressure to adopt a new name, as a tactic designed to avoid outlandishness. 16 The reverse was true too. The emigrant names influenced the naming practices of the areas they moved into. 17 It is known for instance that after marrying with German and Danish aristocrats, the names of two Bohemian princess, Swatawa and Markéta, became Liutgard and Dagmar. 18 Similarly, among Slav aristocrats it was very common to adopt Germanic names, such as Hedwig and Henry. 19 14 Le Patourel, Norman Empire, p. 288. 15 Leyser, Medieval Germany, pp. 80-1. 16 Bartlett, Making of Europe, p. 270. 17 Wilson, Means of Naming, p. 90. 18 Bartlett, Making of Europe, p. 271. 19 Ibid., p. 277. 7
Ecclesiastical personnel, just as much as townsmen and nobles, often adopted the names of the immigrant aristocracy or ecclesiastical names popular amongst the immigrants. 20 For example when the Czechs Radian and Milic were appointed to the bishoprics of Gniezno (in 1000) and Prague (in 1197), they changed their names to Gaudentius and Daniel. Similarly, when the bishop of Olomouc (Olmütz) was consecrated in 1126: ‘Zdik was ordained and, as he was ordained, put off his barbarous name and was called Henry.’ Here the new name is not biblical, though it might be argued that it is a saint’s name; what is apparent, however, is that a ‘barbarous name’ was exchanged for a German one. 21 In terms of changes in landholding systems, Bartlett deals with the increasing incidence and spread of fiefs. He argues that, from being unknown, the fief, as well as becoming more common in Western Europe, spread to regions such as Greece, Palestine, the Baltic, Andalusia, and southern Italy. Fiefs were given by the leaders to their warriors or followers after their participation in conquests. In return for this gift, warriors had to give some services, especially military service, to their leaders. For Bartlett therefore, the fiefs and the new colonial aristocracies were created simultaneously. Of course there were various kinds of fiefs, especially in terms of their value, but they were one of the significant parts of the process of colonisation. 22 The Chronicle of Morea, for example, a thirteenth-century account of the establishment of Frankish power in Greece, describes the subinfeudation of the Morea: Walter de Rosières received 24 fiefs, Hugh de Bruyères 22, Otho de Tournay 12, Hugh de Lille 8, etc. 23 20 Wilson, Means of Naming, pp. 94-6. 21 Bartlett, Making of Europe, p. 278. 22 Ibid., pp. 50-2. 23 Ibid., p. 52. 8
Page 1 and 2: I certify that I have read this the
Page 3 and 4: CONQUEST, COLONIZATION AND CULTURAL
Page 5 and 6: ÖZET Onbir ve onüçüncü yüzyı
Page 7 and 8: TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION…
Page 9 and 10: LIST OF MAPS MAP 1: Suffolk and sur
Page 11 and 12: central place of the eleventh centu
Page 13 and 14: Bartlett would argue that political
Page 15: Almost all the population, except f
Page 19 and 20: The competitiveness of the duke and
Page 21 and 22: ailey, castles was that they were h
Page 23 and 24: the Norman Conquest in a rather dif
Page 25 and 26: means that southern and eastern Eng
Page 27 and 28: wooded, except in the north-west. P
Page 31 and 32: CHAPTER 1 MIGRANTS, NATIVES AND NAM
Page 33 and 34: Adelaide countess of Aumale Norman
Page 35 and 36: Table-4: Loes Hundred. chiefs Names
Page 37 and 38: Total Value £21 5s 9d The replacem
Page 39 and 40: king’s lands were contained in ju
Page 41 and 42: tanner, none of which may have been
Page 43 and 44: hundred manors in eleven different
Page 45 and 46: Scandinavia or Scotland. 101 In add
Page 47 and 48: conquered country. Together with Od
Page 49 and 50: lands in Cambridgeshire, Essex, Her
Page 51 and 52: Corbett, Walter Giffard was a Class
Page 53 and 54: Beuvriere in the lordship of Holder
Page 55 and 56: he visited Pope Alexander II on beh
Page 57 and 58: Simeon abbot of Ely Hervey Biturice
Page 59 and 60: had been commended to the abbey of
Page 61 and 62: Ralph the Staller was an antecessor
Page 63 and 64: Denmark or “from the Fens”. 180
Page 65 and 66: freemen’s commendation to pre-106
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East Anglia was not a dramatic chan
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were Carlford and Colneis. Bishop
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Table 9: Soc and commendation in Pa
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1086 land of Roger Bigod. 1086 valu
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Parham 5 (cont.) of free land. 1066
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Wantisden 7 Wantisden 8 1086 land o
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into the eleventh century. It is no
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In general, all the lands that Ralp
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Although some or many of the Edrics
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CHAPTER 3 KNIGHTS, CASTLES AND CHUR
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Suffolk, but either they were not l
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Table 12: Castles in Suffolk 1066-1
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aristocratic society did have the e
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perhaps exceptional example of this
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secular collegiate church of Hoxne.
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certain small grants he conceded
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CONCLUSION In this thesis, I looked
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system in Normandy. They were chang
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Primary Sources BIBLIOGRAPHY Blythb
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Davis, R. H. C., King Stephen, 3 rd
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Sanders, I. J., English Baronies: A
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