Romanian Military Thinking
Romanian Military Thinking
Romanian Military Thinking
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Geopolitics • Geostrategy • International Security<br />
true that fundamental liberties cannot exist without security, the preservation of civil<br />
rights remains essential for the preservation of democracy itself. Through proclaiming<br />
the exceptional character of terrorism, authorities have taken the habit of restricting<br />
and suppressing some public liberties, as well as some constitutional guarantees.<br />
The exceptional measures taken after 9/11 by Western democracies, such as the<br />
Antiterrorism Act in Great Britain or the imprisonment of suspects, in conditions of uncertain<br />
transparency, in Guantanamo, draw attention towards the discriminatory treatment of<br />
people of foreign origin about whom security forces think that they might have connections<br />
with terrorist networks. Thus, under the pretext of terrorism, it has been created a veritable<br />
surveillance society that makes use of the new surveillance technologies to observe,<br />
localise, process and install data in the network and that can contribute to combating<br />
this scourge but reactivates, at the same time, the ancestral fear and uncertainty of the<br />
ordinary citizen. All these elements contribute to the “publicity effect” offered by the<br />
terrorist way of action today to make itself heard on the international stage, to help with<br />
the evolution of the dominant representations that prevail on the strategic stage and to<br />
eventually alter the course of each of us existence;<br />
The acknowledgement of responsibilities between police and the armed forces as far as<br />
security is concerned is characteristic of the state within the EU, in the context in which<br />
the military in some countries like France, Italy, Spain and Portugal take – in conformity<br />
with the law – a series of responsibilities proper to homeland security, especially related<br />
to territory and sensitive points protection. On the contrary, in the Northern countries,<br />
taking these prerogatives by the armed forces is not stipulated in the legislation<br />
and this fact is seen as an infringement of the principle of separation of power. To have<br />
a unitary vision on the European homeland defence experts think that a dialogue regarding<br />
the role of the military sector in protecting the national and the European territory should<br />
be initiated;<br />
The EU institutional system, built on the three pillars established through the Treaty<br />
of Amsterdam, has responded so far neither to the necessity of harmonising the Union<br />
homeland security nor to the one of eliminating the existent barriers between internal<br />
and external security. As a result, there are sometimes discrepancies or interferences<br />
in the activity of internal and external agencies, generated by the existence of two groups<br />
that focus on the same issues. In this context, it is mentioned the “Institutional Antiterrorist<br />
Cooperation” that belongs to the third EU pillar (Justice and Home Affairs), which is<br />
coordinated by the “Terrorism Working Group” (TWG) within the Council, as well as<br />
by the COTER (Counter Terrorism Working Group), responsible for the external security<br />
within CFSP and ESDP, the three procedural contexts being appreciated as not an optimal<br />
solution for preventing and combating the terrorist scourge.<br />
Mention should be made that, despite the fact some national administrations remain<br />
reticent, making direct reference to the individual rights and even to the very substance<br />
of the national sovereignty, the establishment of a European internal group appears to be<br />
a natural evolution of integration, as a medium term necessity of the discussed process.<br />
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