A Grammar of Miya - UCLA Department of Linguistics

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240 A Grammar of Miya (98) a. ill zOra gam Kasham aa w-eekiy tl ma Mya-w jf calI gran) Kasham PS who-every he NEG answer-NEG 'whoever called Kasham he [Kasham] didn't answer' b. ill kgmay-thln g-aa m-eekiy, faa shgo-ay if spoil-rep g(dnJ-PS what-every you discard-Tot 'whatever gets spoiled, discard it' c. ill dZOree goo laabiiarly k60-yiikw-eekly dg dgkay(a) if disperse gran) news every-where-every Sjn hear 'wherever one spread the news, the people heard it' 6. Reflexives and Reciprocals 6.1. Reflexives 6.1.1. Anaphoric reflexives. Anaphoric reflexives use the word gham 'head' plus a possessive pronoun. Ghiim remains singular in form even with plural referents. In my data I have examples only of direct object reflexives in simplex clauses, so [ cannot comment on their use across clause boundaries, etc. (99) a. mon nay gharnu-wnn '[ saw myself' b. mgn aa 6iya gharnu-wun '[ will stab myself' (100) a. Kasham nay gham-uwsg 'Kasham saw himself' b. Kasham a 6iya gham-uwsg 'Kasham will stab himself' (101) a. miy nay gharn-aama 'we saw ourselves' b. mly aa 6iya gharn-aama 'we will stab ourselves' (102) d-aa bUwa-tign d-aa paa gharna-tlon eey:! 3rd ps.-Ipf come-rep 3rd ps.-Ipf collect "self'-their there 'they come and get together [collect themselves] there' Example (102) is the only anaphoric reflexive which occurred in my texts. 6.1.2. Emphatic reflexives. Emphatic reflexives use a word aakaay,24 followed by the normal reflexive using ghiim 'head'. My examples show a preference for putting the emphatic reflexive sentence final, even where the Rausa sentences presented for translation had it next to the noun (the emphatic reflexive portions of the Hausa sentences are underlined). The first example below keeps the reflexive together with its referent and treats this construction as a focused subject (12:§2.2.1). 24This word is not obviously related to or derived from any other word that I have found in Miya. It resembles the Hausa word ktii 'head' (pronounced kdayU in some dialects), suggesting that it is really a calque on Rausa constructions such as ni da kai-na 'I myself' (lit. 'I with my-head'), using the Miya instrumental prepositions aa. If this is the case, however, the tones are unusual because aa normally imposes low tone on its object. 9. Reference, Definiteness, Universality, and Reflexivity (§6) 241 (103) mon aakaayl ghamu-wnn do cfgm(a) aacarn 'I myself did the work' I emp. refl. "self'-my FPf do work (Hausa: ni dakaina na yi aiki) (104) mon buw-an aakaayl gMmu-wun (105) Klisham cfgm aacam aakaayl gham-uwsg (106) mly aa buw-liam(a) aakaayl gham-aama (107) fa naya d-aa tafas(a) aakaayl gham-uwsg, you-Pi see 3rd ps.-Ipf boil emp. refl. "self'-its ammaa akuw rna n-aa c;:}f)a-was-uw but fire NEG AUX-Ipl base-its-NEG 'you will see [the fermenting beer] is boiling by itself, but no fire is under it' 'I came myself' (Hausa: na zo da kaina) 'Kasham did the work himself' (Hausa: K. da kansa ya yi aiki) 'we will come ourselves' (Hausa: za mu zo mu da kanmu) 6.2. Reciprocals. Reciprocals use the word tuwatziw 'body' plus a possessive pronoun. (108) miy tabgna ttlwatilw-aama 'we abused each other' (109) Kasham 'gnaa Nduwya biy naya tuwatilwa-tlgn 'Kasham and Nduya will see each other'
1. Introduction Chapter 10 NOUN PHRASE SYNTAX This chapter describes the internal syntax of noun phrases. Many of the syntactic features of nouu phrases depend on lexical features of nouns, in particular gender and plurality. Chapter 8:§2 describes gender and number morphology and gender and number agreement patterns. Chapter 8:§§4-6 describe other aspects of nominal morphology. Chapter 9, esp. §§1-3, describes functional aspects of indefinite and definite determiners which relate to sentential and discourse structure outside the noun phrase. Chapter 9:§5 does the same for noun phrases containing universal quantifiers ('every', 'each', 'all'). SectlOns 4-5 of the present chapter discuss noun phrases with internal clauses (relative clauses and related structures). See Chapter 5 for a full description of the tense, mood, and aspect (TAM) system, and Chapters 11-12 for more general discussion of sentence level syntax. 2. Determiners 2.1. "Previous Refereuce Markers" (PRM). The PRM category comprises the following morphemes: ka k;\n, kiln The left-hand form serves as a clitic on nouns to indicate previous explicit or implied reference in a discourse, similar to Hausa -n/-r. It is invariable for gender or number and always bears high tone, regardless of the final tone of the word to which it is cliticized (3:§5). I have translated the clitic as 'the' for convenience, though depending on context, this may not be the best translation: sanka (m) 'the person' silbo ka (pI) 'the people' mbilrguka (m) 'the ram' mbilrgwagwaw ka (pI) 'the rams' shin ka (f) 'the farm' d];\rkiy ka (f) 'the chicken' The other form, ki;n (always with L tone in the functions described here-see 9:§2.2 for discussion of kIm vs. kin), apparently is never cliticized to a noun alone; it was never volunteered as such, and I have found no clear examples in texts. Aside from this, kd and k?m share a functional relationship. Even though kan seems never to be a nominal clitic, neither does it ever occur in isolation or phrase initial, suggesting that it be considered a phrasal clitic. It shares this syntactic feature with kd, which. may also have a phrase as its scope. One of the two morphemes is obligatorily present following a phrase introduced by 242 10. Noun Phrase Syntax (§2J 243 the deictic predicator Inay'l 'herelthere is .. .', 'voicilvoila .. .' (11:§4.7). When physical distance is at issue, kim is proximal, kd distal (first example in each group below); in other cases with Inay'l, the two seem more or less interchangeable (second examples in each grOUp below)l Kim may also mean 'here' in the sense of physically near or of immediate discourse importance (last two examples in the first group below). Kd as an NP clitic appears at the end of the NP, not as a clitic on the head noun (third example under ka). It also forms the second part of the discontinuous marker of conditional clauses (14:§2), assuming that this is the same morpheme as the determiner (last example below). k'n nee (= nay) k'm-wan bn nay Mm ba dzaray milwsuw kgn tIon dil bn d-aa makaw suw k?m-ay aa niy baa-za ka lilly kan my b-hn ka, t;lla-kiln 2 nay hiim M mar-wan ka sobo ts;lr ka kwaa b-uwsil ka, dil dongaya ... 'here's my house (here), 'here's what will resolve the dispute' 'they were here, residing' 'when here [appeared] her father & Co.' 'there is your parents' house, go in' 'here's what happened to me' 'the two people (just mentioned)' 'when he comes, he tells him ... ' See 9:§2 and §2.2 immediately below for uses of kdlkJnlkin in conjunction with other morphemes. 2.2. Demonstratives. Miya demonstratives are marked for two parameters: gender/number and distance. Near Far Masculine nabn mfra Feminine takon taka Plural niykin niyka These forms are composites of the genderlnumber morphemes naltalniy plus the PRM c1itics discussed in the section immediately above. The demonstratives can be used as pronouns to mean 'this one', 'those', etc. and as attributive modifiers of nouns. In their productive attributive use, demonstratives precede the noun they modify: nakon mbilrgu takon tomilku niykin tomakwiy 'this ram' 'this ewe' 'these sheep' naka lay taka wun niyka wtltlomiy 'that boy' 'that girl' 'those children' IThere may be a difference. In the example with kim, the thing in question is about to be explained whereas with kd it has just happened, i.e. forward vs. backward view in time. 2T-ala-kim 'go in' is a feminine singular Imperative. Kim here is the 2nd feminine singular rep, not the PRM. I _ .. ________________________ • .a. .. ______________________ __ ...1
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A Grammar of Miya Russell G. Schuh
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Contents Preface, xvii Cross-refere
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x Contents 3.5. Tones of negative m
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xiv Contents 1.3.3. Pronominal vs.
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Cross-Referencing, Abbreviations, a
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Chapter 1 THE MIYA PEOPLE AND LANGU
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74 A Grammar of Miya a goat'), and
Page 89: 154 A Grammar of Miya PASSAGE 2 ...
Page 101 and 102: 178 A Grammar of Miya Waataw aa Giy
Page 108: 192 A Grammar of Miya Two kin terms
Page 116: 208 ndyaan patg 'all' 'all' A Gramm
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Page 140: i 256 A Grammar of Miya constructio
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Page 170: 316 A Grammar of Miya • raB' zuw
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384 A Grammar af Miya 2.4. Couuterf
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... References Abraham, R. C. 1959.
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414 References n.d.a "Bade verbal s
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