A Grammar of Miya - UCLA Department of Linguistics
A Grammar of Miya - UCLA Department of Linguistics
A Grammar of Miya - UCLA Department of Linguistics
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168<br />
A <strong>Grammar</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Miya</strong><br />
with a special list intonation). This terse style for creating a scene seems to correlate with<br />
the dynamic nature <strong>of</strong> oral narration in general.<br />
Daga t1uw-so do wiyaw, do wiya tJilljam df" gwhlfg. Daga wfya<br />
when arise-Iep Sjn jump down Sjn jump down id in chieftaincy when jump<br />
dh gwhlfo dg buw-so dodo do zaa do kabo tuws aatuw-sa, sgb;} ka<br />
in chieftaincy Sjn go-ICP Prt Sin put Prt gown his body-his people PRM<br />
wanbn aakan-was;}, t"makw,y, cUw.<br />
thus house-his sheep goals<br />
'As he arose, he jumped down (from a tree), he jumped down tan jam into a chieftancy.<br />
When he had jumped into the chieftaincy, he went and put a gown on his bOdy,<br />
followers were like this were at his house, sheep, goats.'<br />
Dagee g-aa camaza, do buwa-za aa yawun do jfy daagma kam b:i<br />
when AUX-Ipf night Sjn come-rep PS elephant Sjn Prt fix house <strong>of</strong><br />
mbanna, ndyaam kaman-was;} rnayyuw, nfy gadoa, nfy mcmnfy, nfy jeerfy,<br />
beauty an like-its there-is-not &Co bed &Co stool &Co chair<br />
do shaafee ndyaam aa ziynaarlya; kababiiw tuwso akwaatiy dgr6itim, t:laza<br />
Sjn wipe all with gold gowns his chest ten hers<br />
gam wanka, niy shrnkdafa, niy zuw, yawun dg baa-zeal aatsakom-ay.<br />
indeed thus &Co rice &Co sorghum elephant Sjn go-rep bush-Tot<br />
'When it was night, the elephant came and fixed up a beautiful house without equal,<br />
beds, stools, chairs, and she plated them all with gold; and his (the bridegroom's)<br />
gowns (there were) ten chests, and hers (the bride's) likewise, (there were foods like)<br />
rice (and) sorghum, and the elephant went <strong>of</strong>f to the bush.'<br />
Chapter 7<br />
VERBAL EXTENSIONS<br />
AND VERB DERIVATION<br />
1. Verbal Extensions: Does <strong>Miya</strong> Have Any?<br />
Many Chadic languages have derivational processes andlor particles associated with<br />
verbs which are generally referred to as "verbal extensions". Verbal extensions add<br />
dimensions <strong>of</strong> meaning to a verb such as direction, location, extent, etc. <strong>of</strong> action. <strong>Miya</strong> is<br />
unusual, at least among its closest linguistic relatives, in having no forms that can be called<br />
true verbal "extensions". Particularly notable is the absence <strong>of</strong> a ventive stem or<br />
Distanzstamm, such as Hausa Grade VI marked by an -00 termination, e.g. sayoo 'buy<br />
(and bring)' vs. underived sayaa 'buy'. The ventive is otherwise widespread in West<br />
Chadic and indicates that the action began at a distance with effect on or toward a place <strong>of</strong><br />
reference, usually the place <strong>of</strong> speaking. The only related verb pairs showing this<br />
distinction in <strong>Miya</strong> are bo'-' 'go' and hi 'corne' and their transitive counterparts bay 'take<br />
(away)' and buway' 'bring' (see §4.1.1).<br />
Another widespread extension is the totality extension, exemplified by the -ee<br />
tennination <strong>of</strong> Hausa Grade IV, e.g. sayee 'buy (all <strong>of</strong>)'. <strong>Miya</strong> does have a form which<br />
shares some properties with the totality extensions <strong>of</strong> other languages, though the <strong>Miya</strong><br />
Totality is not a derived form <strong>of</strong> the verb per se. This is discussed in §2.<br />
Ubiquitous in Chadic languages are pluractional verbs, e.g. Hausa sassayaa<br />
'(repeatedly) buy'. Pluractional verbs indicate repeated action, including a particular action<br />
done many times, an action done by many subjects, or an action done individually to many<br />
objects. Though not usually included among extensions, pluractionals have extension-like<br />
semantic properties, whence their inclusion in this chapter. <strong>Miya</strong> does have productive<br />
pluractional formation processes, discussed in §3.<br />
Included among extensions in a number <strong>of</strong> languages is a transitizer and/or causativizer,<br />
such as Hausa "Grade V" fitar 'take out' from intransitive fita 'go out' and sayar 'sell'<br />
from sayaa 'buy'. <strong>Miya</strong> has a suffix -dy which derives transitive verbs from a class <strong>of</strong><br />
intransitives, discussed in §4.1.1. <strong>Miya</strong> cannot form so-called causative verbs from<br />
transitives. All such semantic pairs either use unrelated roots, e.g. kima 'buy' vs. matsa<br />
'sell', or the same root adds an additional argument as an indirect object, e.g. gyagiya<br />
'learn; teach (= "learn to s.o.")'.<br />
Finally, <strong>Miya</strong> has a productive process <strong>of</strong> using cognate complements with both<br />
transitive and intransitive verbs, discussed in §5. Use <strong>of</strong> cognate complements is not<br />
common in West Chadic languages, at least among those that I am familiar with. As in the<br />
case <strong>of</strong> pluractionals, cognate complements are not, strictly speaking, derivational<br />
extensions, but they have extension-like semantic properties.<br />
1,<br />
,C;} ..<br />
,"iff'<br />
t __________________ ............ __ ..............................<br />
...<br />
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