A Grammar of Miya - UCLA Department of Linguistics
A Grammar of Miya - UCLA Department of Linguistics
A Grammar of Miya - UCLA Department of Linguistics
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1. Introduction<br />
Chapter 10<br />
NOUN PHRASE SYNTAX<br />
This chapter describes the internal syntax <strong>of</strong> noun phrases. Many <strong>of</strong> the syntactic<br />
features <strong>of</strong> nouu phrases depend on lexical features <strong>of</strong> nouns, in particular gender and<br />
plurality. Chapter 8:§2 describes gender and number morphology and gender and number<br />
agreement patterns. Chapter 8:§§4-6 describe other aspects <strong>of</strong> nominal morphology.<br />
Chapter 9, esp. §§1-3, describes functional aspects <strong>of</strong> indefinite and definite determiners<br />
which relate to sentential and discourse structure outside the noun phrase. Chapter 9:§5<br />
does the same for noun phrases containing universal quantifiers ('every', 'each', 'all').<br />
SectlOns 4-5 <strong>of</strong> the present chapter discuss noun phrases with internal clauses (relative<br />
clauses and related structures). See Chapter 5 for a full description <strong>of</strong> the tense, mood, and<br />
aspect (TAM) system, and Chapters 11-12 for more general discussion <strong>of</strong> sentence level<br />
syntax.<br />
2. Determiners<br />
2.1. "Previous Refereuce Markers" (PRM). The PRM category comprises the<br />
following morphemes:<br />
ka k;\n, kiln<br />
The left-hand form serves as a clitic on nouns to indicate previous explicit or implied<br />
reference in a discourse, similar to Hausa -n/-r. It is invariable for gender or number and<br />
always bears high tone, regardless <strong>of</strong> the final tone <strong>of</strong> the word to which it is cliticized<br />
(3:§5). I have translated the clitic as 'the' for convenience, though depending on context,<br />
this may not be the best translation:<br />
sanka (m) 'the person' silbo ka (pI) 'the people'<br />
mbilrguka (m) 'the ram' mbilrgwagwaw ka (pI) 'the rams'<br />
shin ka (f) 'the farm'<br />
d];\rkiy ka (f) 'the chicken'<br />
The other form, ki;n (always with L tone in the functions described here-see 9:§2.2<br />
for discussion <strong>of</strong> kIm vs. kin), apparently is never cliticized to a noun alone; it was never<br />
volunteered as such, and I have found no clear examples in texts. Aside from this, kd and<br />
k?m share a functional relationship. Even though kan seems never to be a nominal clitic,<br />
neither does it ever occur in isolation or phrase initial, suggesting that it be considered a<br />
phrasal clitic. It shares this syntactic feature with kd, which. may also have a phrase as its<br />
scope. One <strong>of</strong> the two morphemes is obligatorily present following a phrase introduced by<br />
242<br />
10. Noun Phrase Syntax (§2J 243<br />
the deictic predicator Inay'l 'herelthere is .. .', 'voicilvoila .. .' (11:§4.7). When physical<br />
distance is at issue, kim is proximal, kd distal (first example in each group below); in other<br />
cases with Inay'l, the two seem more or less interchangeable (second examples in each<br />
grOUp below)l Kim may also mean 'here' in the sense <strong>of</strong> physically near or <strong>of</strong> immediate<br />
discourse importance (last two examples in the first group below). Kd as an NP clitic<br />
appears at the end <strong>of</strong> the NP, not as a clitic on the head noun (third example under ka). It<br />
also forms the second part <strong>of</strong> the discontinuous marker <strong>of</strong> conditional clauses (14:§2),<br />
assuming that this is the same morpheme as the determiner (last example below).<br />
k'n<br />
nee (= nay) k'm-wan bn<br />
nay Mm ba dzaray milwsuw kgn<br />
tIon dil bn d-aa makaw<br />
suw k?m-ay aa niy baa-za<br />
ka<br />
lilly kan my b-hn ka, t;lla-kiln 2<br />
nay hiim M mar-wan ka<br />
sobo ts;lr ka<br />
kwaa b-uwsil ka, dil dongaya ...<br />
'here's my house (here),<br />
'here's what will resolve the dispute'<br />
'they were here, residing'<br />
'when here [appeared] her father & Co.'<br />
'there is your parents' house, go in'<br />
'here's what happened to me'<br />
'the two people (just mentioned)'<br />
'when he comes, he tells him ... '<br />
See 9:§2 and §2.2 immediately below for uses <strong>of</strong> kdlkJnlkin in conjunction with other<br />
morphemes.<br />
2.2. Demonstratives. <strong>Miya</strong> demonstratives are marked for two parameters:<br />
gender/number and distance.<br />
Near<br />
Far<br />
Masculine<br />
nabn<br />
mfra<br />
Feminine<br />
takon<br />
taka<br />
Plural<br />
niykin<br />
niyka<br />
These forms are composites <strong>of</strong> the genderlnumber morphemes naltalniy plus the PRM<br />
c1itics discussed in the section immediately above.<br />
The demonstratives can be used as pronouns to mean 'this one', 'those', etc. and as<br />
attributive modifiers <strong>of</strong> nouns. In their productive attributive use, demonstratives precede<br />
the noun they modify:<br />
nakon mbilrgu takon tomilku niykin tomakwiy<br />
'this ram' 'this ewe' 'these sheep'<br />
naka lay taka wun niyka wtltlomiy<br />
'that boy' 'that girl' 'those children'<br />
IThere may be a difference. In the example with kim, the thing in question is about to be explained whereas<br />
with kd it has just happened, i.e. forward vs. backward view in time.<br />
2T-ala-kim 'go in' is a feminine singular Imperative. Kim here is the 2nd feminine singular rep, not the<br />
PRM.<br />
I<br />
_ .. ________________________ • .a. .. ______________________ __<br />
...1