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A Grammar of Miya - UCLA Department of Linguistics

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, i<br />

262<br />

bilkir, (pI) sgba kir<br />

b:l tlyad'i, (pI) sgba tlyiicfi<br />

b:l ndzahiy<br />

glti ba tably<br />

sg",m rna tlyam<br />

A <strong>Grammar</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Miya</strong><br />

'thief' « akir 'theft'; cf. bra 'to stea!')<br />

'farmer' « atlyatii 'fanning'; cf. tlyatii' 'to farm')<br />

'poor person' « ndzahiy 'poverty'; cf. ndza 'to be poor')<br />

'sharp ax' « tahiy l4 'eating'; cf. Iii 'to eat')<br />

'razor' (lit. 'knife that shaves' < at/yam 'shaving';<br />

cf. tllima 'to shave')<br />

5.1.3. Statives. Stative attributives are expressed by balmalsaba with either a deverbal<br />

noun or a participle (4:§2.3, §2.1). Formally, those with participles are subject relatives<br />

(§5.2.1), i.e. 'seated man' = 'man who has sat down', while those with deverbal nouns<br />

are identical to the "one who does ... " phrases discussed in §5.1.2. In elicitation the<br />

structure with the deverbal noun and the one with the participle were sometimes given as<br />

equivalent in meaning, e.g.<br />

sgm ba tSggo (deverbal noun) = sgm b:l tSgguwso (participle)<br />

'seated man'<br />

There is probably some pragmatic difference, e.g. 'man who has sat down' vs. 'man who<br />

is seated/sitting' .<br />

Stative expressions may consist <strong>of</strong> intransitive verbs modifying their semantic subject<br />

or transitive verbs modifying their semantic object. In either case, the English translation<br />

will be a past participle (intr. 'seated man', tr. 'built house') or an adjective implying entry<br />

into a state from some other state ('ripe fruit', 'wet gown'). Many verbs in <strong>Miya</strong> can be<br />

used either transitively or intransitively, e.g. 'break', 'get wet/moisten'. For such verbs<br />

one cannot be sure whether the stative expression is based on the intransitive or transitive<br />

sense ('broken pot' < Ithe pot brokel or I(unspecified subject) broke the pot/).<br />

Pragmatically, it makes no difference since the focus is on the state, not the manner <strong>of</strong> entry<br />

into the state. However, there is one construction where the verb must be interpreted as<br />

intransitive. This is where the verb has an Intransitive Copy Pronoun (ICP-5:§4.1),<br />

which copies person/gender/number features <strong>of</strong> the subject and, by definition, appears only<br />

with intransitive verbs.<br />

I have divided the examples into two groups. The "intransitive" examples must be<br />

understood as such either because the verb is unambiguously intransitive or because it is a<br />

participle with an ICP. Among the "transitive" examples are verbs which, for semantic,<br />

pragmatic, or formal reasons, must be understood as transitive as well as verbs which<br />

could be understood transitively or intransitively but have no overt evidence <strong>of</strong> an<br />

intransitive reading, in particular because they lack an ICP.<br />

Intransitive verbs<br />

'am rna tSggg;::::: 'am rna tsggaza 'seated woman'<br />

sgbo sgba tSggo = sgbg sgba tsggatlgn 'seated people'<br />

« deverbal noun ats';g3 'sitting' or participle tsaga + Iep; cf. ms fonn, beginning <strong>of</strong> this §)15<br />

lembi ba tsatSgr 'standing bull' « atsatsJr 'standing'; cf. tsar' 'to stand')<br />

14This is the gerund (4:§2.2) <strong>of</strong> the verb til 'eat'. For verbs with no special deverbal noun, the gerund<br />

serves in its stead. Another example is ndzahiy 'poverty', immediately above.<br />

15These phrases must be derived from the intransitive verb tsaga 'to sit down'. The transitive counterpart,<br />

'to seat', is a derived fonn with a suffix -ay, viz. tsagay (cf. 7:§4.1.1).<br />

zuw banuwsg<br />

nduwul ba 5uwsg<br />

kabo rna niliaza<br />

Transitive verbs<br />

mMrgu ba pgraw<br />

gMruw rna pgraW<br />

ghgruwiy sgba pgraW<br />

tliwiy M kawaw<br />

19m rna ghanaw<br />

kabg rna niliaw<br />

zuw ba tsgfaw<br />

kabo rna tsotaw<br />

jlfg<br />

husband<br />

nuwana16 ba camakg<br />

mine ba loving<br />

jlfg naaza M hiyakg<br />

husband her ba disliking<br />

M camakg naaza<br />

ba loving her<br />

vgrko ba sar-UWSg<br />

boy ba circumcision-his<br />

10. Noun Phrase Syntax (§5)<br />

'ripe sorghum' « na 'get ripe' + ICP)<br />

'broken pot' « Ba 'break' + ICP)<br />

'wet gown' « raBa' 'get wet' + ICP)<br />

'slaughtered ram' « participle paraw)<br />

'slaughtered cow'<br />

'slaughtered cattIe'<br />

'roasted meat'<br />

'built hut'<br />

'wet/soaked gown' (cf. phrase above with Iep)<br />

'dry sorghum'<br />

'dry gown'<br />

'my beloved husband'<br />

'her unloved husband'<br />

'her beloved'<br />

'a boy who is to be circumcised, circumcisable boy'<br />

The interpretation <strong>of</strong> the genitive pronouns in the last two examples presents some<br />

problems. Ea camaka naaza could potentially be interpreted as 'her [one who possesses<br />

loving]' or 'one who possesses [her loving]'. I have no way, given available data, to test<br />

which is correct, or even if it makes any difference. V

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