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in the part played in the allocation of land by tenancy (although on expectation this should have been somewhat larger), but rather in the absence of any paternal relatives and in~laws on the land. II With the exception of one person who was given a farming plot for the sake of friendship (see Appendix D, Thble A2), the auxiliary rules of allocation have not been applied at all with the result that as many as 72 0,10 of all the farmers on Osekyerew belong to the Amoana ebusua ofKodjo Attah, i.e. thefarnily holding the land. If, for a moment, one would assume this to be a temporary situation, this assumption would have to be discarded in view ofthe fact that none ofthose farming on Osekyerew have any additional farms on other family lands. In other words, it is a systematic feature. In seeking an explanation it should be realized that the Amoana of Kodjo Attah have migrated from Kwaduegya - where they still claim rights to their originalfamily land (see Ch. V) - in the recent past (i.e. not more than 100 years ago), and would have no land at Abura~ Dunkwa if it had not been acquired through purchase. 12 It seems, then, that the ancestors of the Amoana family now living at Dunkwa, migrated when the land became available to them and that, at that time, they had not yet entered into marriage relationships with other Dunkwa ebusua and were therefore no party to the mutual acceptance of in~laws and paternal relatives on their land. What is so particular about this case is not that Osekyerew as a newly~ bought family land would have been outside the scope ofthe normal allocative rules, but that throughout all these decades it has continued to remain so. It is not the initial but the continued absence on the land of paternal relatives and in~ laws which is exceptional, and in our view can only be seen as the outcome of a deliberate policy on the side of the present land custodian and of his predecessors. The importance of the deviating land allocation pattern on Ose~ kyerew is that it draws our attention to the capacity of the land custodian, the Asasewura, to control those categories of persons to whom farming rights are granted on the family land under his/her administration. There is every reason to assume the Asasewura' s deliberate control to be at work not only where, as on Osekyerew, it ostensibly opposes existing allocative mechanisms, but also on other lands where it is not so ostensibly applied to promote them. This is more than an assumption because it finds immediate support in a statement by the Asasewura of one of the more distant lands 13 that he encourages the members of his family to claim farming rights on the land of their in~laws or of their father, in order that 102
a larger area of their own family land can be given out for the growing of perennial cash crops. It is worth noting that the land concerned is in great demand for this purpose and, even in 1974, had brought a yearly income from rent of
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· 1\\m\I~\II~~\IIII~\i!~\\\! t~~es
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The views expressed in this publica
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This research coul
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INTRODUCTORY NOTE When Emile Vercru
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I A BRIEF INTRODUCTION 10 THE PROBL
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agricultural productivity has reach
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Notes 1. Keith Griffin (1979) has c
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Most fallow land around Abura-Dunkw
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field which has been reaped; in the
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shelled pail by pail whenever it is
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Notes I. Quotations in this paragra
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HI ON THE SOClIAL RELATIONS OF PEAS
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- whether or not they have control
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tion was transformed into the tribu
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ges in exploitation and exploiters
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of a state government, both involve
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other words, exploitation is now in
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There is now fairly general recogni
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must now move to a much more concre
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12. According to Christensen (1954:
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IV AKAN LAND TENURE ARRANGEMENTS: A
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most if not all accounts of customa
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person (usually, but not always, a
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land. This intervening role ofthe e
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deemed abandoned after non-occupati
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Ch.III; Reindorf 1895; Kimble 1963)
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ered in that it had nearly brought
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purposes, and to subjects of other
Page 61 and 62: Notes 1. The first edition of Mensa
Page 63 and 64: v THEABURA-DUNKWA FAMILY LANDS AND
Page 65 and 66: anyone to acquire a right to farmla
Page 67 and 68: Equally, the land held (or claimed)
Page 69 and 70: eiterated that, consequent on their
Page 71 and 72: admitting that Nana Quansah was the
Page 73 and 74: emotions than anything else because
Page 75 and 76: Cape Coast where the case was down
Page 77 and 78: for him must be cancelled: It must
Page 79 and 80: Adwenadze: present-day descendants
Page 81 and 82: TableS: The Nnamfodo Lands and Thei
Page 83 and 84: It may be useful to point out that
Page 85 and 86: land (specifically: Kukubir 1 and 2
Page 87 and 88: 6 . Swearing an oath to an Akan mea
Page 89: 20. As we have explained in Ch.I1,
Page 92 and 93: homogeneous in terms of quality (gr
Page 94 and 95: tion of sample cases over the four
Page 96 and 97: (Dawurampon) is all there is availa
Page 98 and 99: 4. Auxiliary Rules for Allocating F
Page 100 and 101: Table 11: Farmers on Family Land of
Page 102 and 103: portion oftheir own family land may
Page 104 and 105: From Table 14 we see that apart fro
Page 106 and 107: together with annual tenancies at l
Page 108 and 109: - a proportionally larger part of t
Page 110 and 111: Hypothesis 4: Ignoring the uncultiv
Page 114 and 115: approval and cooperation of the oth
Page 116 and 117: 7. 'Total Acreage' in Thble 17 refe
Page 119 and 120: APPENDIX A SOME NOTES ON MFANTSE PO
Page 121 and 122: 1944 - and by then Ghana, or rather
Page 123 and 124: APPENDIXB OVERVIEW OF THE ARUBA-DUN
Page 125 and 126: NSONAMBUSUA 30. Kodju Dadzie Ekrofu
Page 127 and 128: APPENDIXC RANK CORRELATION BETWEEN
Page 129: RANK CORRELATION: Calculation rho =
Page 132 and 133: TnbleA.l Allocation of Farming Righ
Page 135 and 136: APPENDIXE THE FIELDWORK AND ITS IMP
Page 137 and 138: extent to which they were under cul
Page 139 and 140: people could not acquire land throu
Page 141: 2. Results of the farm operations q
Page 144 and 145: Casely Hayford, J.E. (1903) Gold Co
Page 146 and 147: O'Brien, J. (1979) The Political Ec
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