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land. This intervening role ofthe ebusua provides the system with a double<br />

safeguard:<br />

- on the one hand it guarantees that an individual's claim to land<br />

is not a diffuse but a definite claim to a definite area ofland;<br />

- on the other hand, it ensures that the size of an individual's<br />

allocation will not conflict with the interests of other members<br />

or with the claims of future generations.<br />

This is one of the most notable features of the system by which it is able to<br />

resist any alienation ofland to strangers and any claims of family members<br />

that would endanger the subsistence 0 fboth present and future generations.<br />

This was saliently expressed by Nana Ofori Atta, the late Akim Abuakwa<br />

chief when he said: 'I conceive that land belongs to a vast family of whom<br />

many are dead, a few are living and countless hosts are still unborn' (Meek<br />

1946: 178). In simpler language but even more strikingly, the same view was<br />

expressed by an Ebubonku peasant when he told the author: 'We are<br />

holding the land for all those who come up behind us.' 13<br />

This factor is closely connected with the belief that family land is<br />

really owned by the asamanio, that is, by the spirits of the ancestors, and<br />

that the living are merely their trustees, responsible for holding the family<br />

land together and for administering it properly. This belief reinforces the<br />

reluctance to alienate land to strangers and puts a limit on the claims of<br />

individual members. 14<br />

As a result, customary law ensures that 'every member of the<br />

community is entitled to cultivate unoccupied land in which the community<br />

holds the allodial title and to acquire thereby a usufruct (or customary<br />

freehold)' (Woodman 1976: 163). This, of course, assumes that a person<br />

fulfills his or her obligations towards the community (or towards the state,<br />

the 'oman') as well as towards the ebusua. The latter involves active<br />

attendance of the lineage council meetings, regular payment of financial<br />

contributions towards the costs of funerals and festivals etc; and the sharing<br />

in any corporate liabilities such as might arise from litigation over lineage<br />

land. In addition, they include giving assistance to needful lineage members<br />

commensurate with a member's wealth and influence.<br />

Although the amount a person can successfully claim is dependent<br />

on the size of the family land relative to the number of adult family members<br />

who claim land, the average acreage of an individual's farmland is first of<br />

all determined by his or her subsistence needs; at the same time, it is<br />

physically limited by the personal capacity to clear and till it.<br />

41

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