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certain Gold Coast chiefs under the so-called Bond of 1844. The process<br />
was completed in 1876 with the institution of District Commissioners'<br />
courts-as-wellasof a Supreme Gourtwith-appellatejurisdiction, and-the<br />
creation of the office of Chief Justice to review the sentences passed by<br />
District Commissioners (Ibidem: 303-5). The effect of these developments<br />
was an inherent weakening of the judicial powers of the Chiefs not only<br />
because, according to Mensah Sarbah, 'In the African mind, leadership<br />
carries with it the administration of justice', but equally because the<br />
increasing tendency to appeal to the British courts significantly reduced the<br />
Chiefs' revenue from fines and fees.<br />
Apart from the limited revenue which the hearing of cases continued<br />
to bring in, 'the only [other] existing regular source of income was<br />
the revenue from Stool lands, but this was usually barely sufficient to<br />
maintain the upkeep of the Chiefs and the cost of the constant litigation<br />
arising out of these lands' (Stone 1971: 8). Although we are convinced that<br />
the general case is thus correctly stated, exceptions to it were of such<br />
importance that they deserve special attention. These exceptions, which<br />
allowed the custodians of the land - whether Paramount Chiefs, sub<br />
Chiefs or family heads - to earn considerable incomes, presented<br />
themselves whenever a Stool or ebusua was in control of sizeable reserves<br />
of unoccupied land which, having represented no special value until<br />
colonial times, became subject to great demand in the latter part of the<br />
nineteenth century. Firstly, there was the demand for mining concessions<br />
which arose after foreign capitalists had reorganized the gold-mining<br />
industry (cf. Dickson 1971: 182). Secondly, there was a growing demand for<br />
timber concessions after British control did away with barriers to the use<br />
of rivers as a means of transporting logs to the coast (Ibidem: 176).18<br />
Thirdly, in some areas such as Akim Abuakwa, extensive tracts of .<br />
unoccupied land attracted the interest of capitalist cocoa farmers.<br />
It is thus understandable that it was suddenly important to establish<br />
who, under Ghanaian land law, held the title to unoccupied lands and<br />
therefore could rightfully decide to alienate such lands to concessionaires<br />
or farmers. Those chiefs who had lost their revenues from lands which,<br />
formally under their custody, were now being occupied and cultivated and<br />
who now received little more than 'loyalty' (and at most an annual tokenpayment),<br />
turned their attention immediately to the so-called' waste lands'<br />
which previously had meant little or nothing to them.<br />
The wave ofland deals in the 1870s and 1880s by which chiefs alienated<br />
unoccupied lands to foreign capital interests for mining or logging<br />
48