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certain Gold Coast chiefs under the so-called Bond of 1844. The process<br />

was completed in 1876 with the institution of District Commissioners'<br />

courts-as-wellasof a Supreme Gourtwith-appellatejurisdiction, and-the<br />

creation of the office of Chief Justice to review the sentences passed by<br />

District Commissioners (Ibidem: 303-5). The effect of these developments<br />

was an inherent weakening of the judicial powers of the Chiefs not only<br />

because, according to Mensah Sarbah, 'In the African mind, leadership<br />

carries with it the administration of justice', but equally because the<br />

increasing tendency to appeal to the British courts significantly reduced the<br />

Chiefs' revenue from fines and fees.<br />

Apart from the limited revenue which the hearing of cases continued<br />

to bring in, 'the only [other] existing regular source of income was<br />

the revenue from Stool lands, but this was usually barely sufficient to<br />

maintain the upkeep of the Chiefs and the cost of the constant litigation<br />

arising out of these lands' (Stone 1971: 8). Although we are convinced that<br />

the general case is thus correctly stated, exceptions to it were of such<br />

importance that they deserve special attention. These exceptions, which<br />

allowed the custodians of the land - whether Paramount Chiefs, sub­<br />

Chiefs or family heads - to earn considerable incomes, presented<br />

themselves whenever a Stool or ebusua was in control of sizeable reserves<br />

of unoccupied land which, having represented no special value until<br />

colonial times, became subject to great demand in the latter part of the<br />

nineteenth century. Firstly, there was the demand for mining concessions<br />

which arose after foreign capitalists had reorganized the gold-mining<br />

industry (cf. Dickson 1971: 182). Secondly, there was a growing demand for<br />

timber concessions after British control did away with barriers to the use<br />

of rivers as a means of transporting logs to the coast (Ibidem: 176).18<br />

Thirdly, in some areas such as Akim Abuakwa, extensive tracts of .<br />

unoccupied land attracted the interest of capitalist cocoa farmers.<br />

It is thus understandable that it was suddenly important to establish<br />

who, under Ghanaian land law, held the title to unoccupied lands and<br />

therefore could rightfully decide to alienate such lands to concessionaires<br />

or farmers. Those chiefs who had lost their revenues from lands which,<br />

formally under their custody, were now being occupied and cultivated and<br />

who now received little more than 'loyalty' (and at most an annual tokenpayment),<br />

turned their attention immediately to the so-called' waste lands'<br />

which previously had meant little or nothing to them.<br />

The wave ofland deals in the 1870s and 1880s by which chiefs alienated<br />

unoccupied lands to foreign capital interests for mining or logging<br />

48

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