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person (usually, but not always, a male) chosen in a meeting of the entire<br />

ebusua who represents the lineage in the Council of Elders, approves the<br />

marriage and/or divorce oflineage members, and administers the lineage<br />

property. This usuallyindudes the administration oftheebusua asase, the<br />

family land, the allocation of which is a vital lineage responsibility. Forthis<br />

purpose some lineages have instituted the special office of Asasewura or<br />

land custodian.<br />

The mbusua into which a community is divided do not hold the<br />

final or absolute (also: allodial = without having to acknowledge any<br />

superior) title to the land but are considered to hold it on behalf of the<br />

Paramount Chief or Omanhene. As head of a state, i.e of one of the<br />

independent territories into which the Gold Coast was formerly divided,<br />

the Omanhene occupies the Paramount Stool; this is the shrine that<br />

contains the spirit ofthe oman, i.e. of the people or nation. And it is in the<br />

Omanhene that, in the final instance, the people's title to the land is seen<br />

to be vested. 9<br />

For the moment we shall leave out of consideration the fact that,<br />

in the present stage of social and economic development, legal conceptions<br />

such as the lineage being a 'corporate personality' and of an 'absolute' title<br />

to land being vested in the Omanhene, have to be treated with suspicion<br />

(Woodman 1976: 160). Such issues will be discussed in the following<br />

chapter. But it is important to point out here that such a picture of<br />

overwhelming communality tends to conceal that, as under pre-colonial<br />

conditions, individual cultivators for all practical purposes now hold the<br />

land as ifthey were the owners (legally: as ifthey were 'free-holders '). Not<br />

only do they till the same plots of land throughout their lives, but on their<br />

death their farms may be transfered unhindered to their inheritors, be these<br />

testamentary or intestate. We might also find them making a gift of land<br />

(inter vivos) to those who could not benefit under the inheritance, such as<br />

a faithful wife or a helping son. And, what may seem to many as in clear<br />

contradiction to 'communal' land tenure, they may sell some of their land<br />

outright.<br />

This then leads us to the question of the 'communality' of Akan<br />

land tenure. In other words, in what respects did the rights of the Akan<br />

landholder in the pre-colonial past differ from those of a private property<br />

holder? The answer is that the farmer's control over his land was subject<br />

to restrictions which arose from his obligations towards the community.<br />

It may bethat nowadays private property is also seen as restricted, but such<br />

restrictions which arise from the common interest are very different to<br />

39

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