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Stool to the Twidan family of Nana Quansah, the Odikro would lose his office as Nifahene and, accordingly, would also lose his place on the State CounciL TbeAsafo In a discussion of Mfantse political organization we have to pay some attention to the role of the Asafo although in origin these were military companies formed on a patrilineal basis each under its own commander. It is often suggested that the Asafo companies are commanded by Asafohenfo (sing. safohene) or 'captains'. But in fact the Asafohenfo, of which there may be as many as four or five to a company, are subaltern officers under the Supi who, as carrying the company's Obaa or whip, is its real leader. It is usual for one village or town to raise more than one Asafo company each with a Supiin charge and for the joint command to be in the hands ofthe Thfuhene, one ofthedivisional chiefs. (This is not contradicted by the occurrence at Dunkwa of one Asafo company headed by three Supis since three original Dunkwa companies had merged to form the present Nkoom company.) In the Mfantse states the Asafo have continued to exist. Nowadays, all men and women are members and women are also eligible as safohene or Supi. Although the companies perform some social and many ritual functions, the main role which remains from the past is their political role of organizing and expressing public opinion with regard to the chiefly government. It is mostly through the Asafo and its leading officers, the Thfuhene and the Supis, that destoolment charges are professed against a chief or that objections are raised against a new Stool candidate. For the case is that a new Omanhene has to be paraded by the Asafo before he can be constitutionally enstooled. And it is from this that, more generally, the Asafo derives its strength as an institutional opposition, i.e. that many of the Omanhene's official acts of necessity have a ceremonial aspect in which, to give them validity, the Asafo's participation is required. Sources: Christensen (1954:107-126); Hailey (1951:189-228); Manoukian (1964: 35-46); Stone (1972). 112
APPENDIXB OVERVIEW OF THE ARUBA-DUNKWA MBUSUA BY THE NAME OF THEIR EBUSUA PANYIN, THEIR PLACES OF ORIGIN, NUMBER OF REGISTERED ADULT MEMBERS AND LANDOWNERSHIP 113
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· 1\\m\I~\II~~\IIII~\i!~\\\! t~~es
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The views expressed in this publica
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This research coul
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INTRODUCTORY NOTE When Emile Vercru
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I A BRIEF INTRODUCTION 10 THE PROBL
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agricultural productivity has reach
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Notes 1. Keith Griffin (1979) has c
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Most fallow land around Abura-Dunkw
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field which has been reaped; in the
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shelled pail by pail whenever it is
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Notes I. Quotations in this paragra
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HI ON THE SOClIAL RELATIONS OF PEAS
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- whether or not they have control
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tion was transformed into the tribu
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ges in exploitation and exploiters
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of a state government, both involve
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other words, exploitation is now in
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There is now fairly general recogni
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must now move to a much more concre
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12. According to Christensen (1954:
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IV AKAN LAND TENURE ARRANGEMENTS: A
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most if not all accounts of customa
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person (usually, but not always, a
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land. This intervening role ofthe e
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deemed abandoned after non-occupati
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Ch.III; Reindorf 1895; Kimble 1963)
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ered in that it had nearly brought
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purposes, and to subjects of other
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Notes 1. The first edition of Mensa
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v THEABURA-DUNKWA FAMILY LANDS AND
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anyone to acquire a right to farmla
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Equally, the land held (or claimed)
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eiterated that, consequent on their
Page 71 and 72: admitting that Nana Quansah was the
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Page 75 and 76: Cape Coast where the case was down
Page 77 and 78: for him must be cancelled: It must
Page 79 and 80: Adwenadze: present-day descendants
Page 81 and 82: TableS: The Nnamfodo Lands and Thei
Page 83 and 84: It may be useful to point out that
Page 85 and 86: land (specifically: Kukubir 1 and 2
Page 87 and 88: 6 . Swearing an oath to an Akan mea
Page 89: 20. As we have explained in Ch.I1,
Page 92 and 93: homogeneous in terms of quality (gr
Page 94 and 95: tion of sample cases over the four
Page 96 and 97: (Dawurampon) is all there is availa
Page 98 and 99: 4. Auxiliary Rules for Allocating F
Page 100 and 101: Table 11: Farmers on Family Land of
Page 102 and 103: portion oftheir own family land may
Page 104 and 105: From Table 14 we see that apart fro
Page 106 and 107: together with annual tenancies at l
Page 108 and 109: - a proportionally larger part of t
Page 110 and 111: Hypothesis 4: Ignoring the uncultiv
Page 112 and 113: in the part played in the allocatio
Page 114 and 115: approval and cooperation of the oth
Page 116 and 117: 7. 'Total Acreage' in Thble 17 refe
Page 119 and 120: APPENDIX A SOME NOTES ON MFANTSE PO
Page 121: 1944 - and by then Ghana, or rather
Page 125 and 126: NSONAMBUSUA 30. Kodju Dadzie Ekrofu
Page 127 and 128: APPENDIXC RANK CORRELATION BETWEEN
Page 129: RANK CORRELATION: Calculation rho =
Page 132 and 133: TnbleA.l Allocation of Farming Righ
Page 135 and 136: APPENDIXE THE FIELDWORK AND ITS IMP
Page 137 and 138: extent to which they were under cul
Page 139 and 140: people could not acquire land throu
Page 141: 2. Results of the farm operations q
Page 144 and 145: Casely Hayford, J.E. (1903) Gold Co
Page 146 and 147: O'Brien, J. (1979) The Political Ec
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