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The historical facts connected with the realization of this idea were briefly as follows: (1) the reserves thus created were never really used for stabilizing purposes but instead were diverted (for the first decade or so) to bolster the exchange rate of sterling, and thus to support what remained of the British Empire - in short the post-war form of British imperialism; (2) the neo-colonial governments (at least, from Independence onwards) viewed these monies as state revenue, spending them freely on infrastructural works but even more on expanding the bureaucracy and raising salaries in short, for consumption purposes of the bureaucratic class. It was thus inevitable that the peasants again became the subject in a tributary mode of production. In other words, appropriation of the surplus by the neo-colonial government does not have a purely economic form but, on the contrary, a political form which to some extent is based on the continued existence of traditional political structures. A class other than the commercial capitalists, i.e. the bureaucratic class, has thus put itself in opposition by creating an expropriation mechanism with which to guarantee its own share; this class has created a political form of expropriation and, more specifically than the merchants, is interested in increasing the volume of peasant production. As we have already pointed out, this is a neo-colonial interest - one that has come clearly to the fore particularly since about 1950. It was present before that time, however, and has also been given forms other than that of the marketing boards. Once the minds of the colonial civil servants were turned towards the question of increasing quality and quantity and, of course, the productivity of peasant production, they hit upon a number of ideas. The marketing board idea was launched quite some time after that of agricultural development schemes was attempted (in Ghana the failed Oagomba groundnut scheme) and realized (in the Sudan the Gezira scheme). [In this chapter we have tried to show both theoretically and historically how peasants in Southern Ghana have remained subject to various forms of exploitation in pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial situations. We 30
must now move to a much more concrete level and begin to lay the basis for a full consideration of the social relations in which peasants today find themselves. We shall begin with the issue of control over the most basic instrument of production, land.] 31
Page 1: · 1\\m\I~\II~~\IIII~\i!~\\\! t~~es
Page 4 and 5: The views expressed in this publica
Page 7 and 8: ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This research coul
Page 9 and 10: INTRODUCTORY NOTE When Emile Vercru
Page 11 and 12: I A BRIEF INTRODUCTION 10 THE PROBL
Page 13 and 14: agricultural productivity has reach
Page 15: Notes 1. Keith Griffin (1979) has c
Page 18 and 19: Most fallow land around Abura-Dunkw
Page 20 and 21: field which has been reaped; in the
Page 22 and 23: shelled pail by pail whenever it is
Page 24 and 25: Notes I. Quotations in this paragra
Page 27 and 28: HI ON THE SOClIAL RELATIONS OF PEAS
Page 29 and 30: - whether or not they have control
Page 31 and 32: tion was transformed into the tribu
Page 33 and 34: ges in exploitation and exploiters
Page 35 and 36: of a state government, both involve
Page 37 and 38: other words, exploitation is now in
Page 39: There is now fairly general recogni
Page 43 and 44: 12. According to Christensen (1954:
Page 45 and 46: IV AKAN LAND TENURE ARRANGEMENTS: A
Page 47 and 48: most if not all accounts of customa
Page 49 and 50: person (usually, but not always, a
Page 51 and 52: land. This intervening role ofthe e
Page 53 and 54: deemed abandoned after non-occupati
Page 55 and 56: Ch.III; Reindorf 1895; Kimble 1963)
Page 57 and 58: ered in that it had nearly brought
Page 59 and 60: purposes, and to subjects of other
Page 61 and 62: Notes 1. The first edition of Mensa
Page 63 and 64: v THEABURA-DUNKWA FAMILY LANDS AND
Page 65 and 66: anyone to acquire a right to farmla
Page 67 and 68: Equally, the land held (or claimed)
Page 69 and 70: eiterated that, consequent on their
Page 71 and 72: admitting that Nana Quansah was the
Page 73 and 74: emotions than anything else because
Page 75 and 76: Cape Coast where the case was down
Page 77 and 78: for him must be cancelled: It must
Page 79 and 80: Adwenadze: present-day descendants
Page 81 and 82: TableS: The Nnamfodo Lands and Thei
Page 83 and 84: It may be useful to point out that
Page 85 and 86: land (specifically: Kukubir 1 and 2
Page 87 and 88: 6 . Swearing an oath to an Akan mea
Page 89: 20. As we have explained in Ch.I1,
Page 92 and 93:
homogeneous in terms of quality (gr
Page 94 and 95:
tion of sample cases over the four
Page 96 and 97:
(Dawurampon) is all there is availa
Page 98 and 99:
4. Auxiliary Rules for Allocating F
Page 100 and 101:
Table 11: Farmers on Family Land of
Page 102 and 103:
portion oftheir own family land may
Page 104 and 105:
From Table 14 we see that apart fro
Page 106 and 107:
together with annual tenancies at l
Page 108 and 109:
- a proportionally larger part of t
Page 110 and 111:
Hypothesis 4: Ignoring the uncultiv
Page 112 and 113:
in the part played in the allocatio
Page 114 and 115:
approval and cooperation of the oth
Page 116 and 117:
7. 'Total Acreage' in Thble 17 refe
Page 119 and 120:
APPENDIX A SOME NOTES ON MFANTSE PO
Page 121 and 122:
1944 - and by then Ghana, or rather
Page 123 and 124:
APPENDIXB OVERVIEW OF THE ARUBA-DUN
Page 125 and 126:
NSONAMBUSUA 30. Kodju Dadzie Ekrofu
Page 127 and 128:
APPENDIXC RANK CORRELATION BETWEEN
Page 129:
RANK CORRELATION: Calculation rho =
Page 132 and 133:
TnbleA.l Allocation of Farming Righ
Page 135 and 136:
APPENDIXE THE FIELDWORK AND ITS IMP
Page 137 and 138:
extent to which they were under cul
Page 139 and 140:
people could not acquire land throu
Page 141:
2. Results of the farm operations q
Page 144 and 145:
Casely Hayford, J.E. (1903) Gold Co
Page 146 and 147:
O'Brien, J. (1979) The Political Ec
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