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homogeneous in terms of quality (ground water level, relief, stumps and stones, soil structure, fertility and the like). In their articulation with the so
of the statements on access to land which we are going to make, than by viewing them in terms of the approaches and methods whereby our empirical materials have been collected. After having identified the Dunkwa family lands, their location and boundaries, by two different but complementary methods, we were faced with the question of how to collect data on: - access to these lands; - the ways in which they are used; - the nature of the organization oflabour by means of which they are cultivated. Considering that out of an estimated 1250 Dunkwa farmers, both male and female, we had no workable sampling frame, the best we could think of was to approach them via their family lands and the farms that they cultivated there. Consequently, we selected four family lands, varying both in their distance from the centre of Dunkwa and in area; on each of these lands, we then attempted to locate all the separate' farms' or 'plots' in the hope of identifying the complete population of individual farmers cultivating there. However, the sheer size of Amoanda and the large number offarms situated there (estimated at 500-600), forced us to limit ourselves to identifying some 250 farmers; as matters stand, we are not ab Ie to say how representative these are for all Amoanda farmers. Next these farmers so identified were localized at their Dunkwa houses and interviewed with a set of general questions amounting to a kind of Farm Census. At that stage we realized that any information on land use would need to be very accurate if it was to be of any use. Furthermore, adequate information on the organization of production and on farming operations could only be collected in connection with actual cropping and fallow patterns. We therefore decided to survey a sample ofindividual farms, using data from the 255 census interviews as our sampling frame, with a view to producing a detailed plan of each of the sample farms. Accordingly, some 70 farms were surveyed while the farm plans were subsequently used to interview farmers on farming operations in which they had engaged in the present as well as in the past season in connection with their various crops. As the detailed interviews as well as the production of farm plans meant for the farmers a rather time-consuming involvement with our research, it proved virtually impossible to adhere to any systematic sampling design. We had to avail ourselves of all the cooperation individual farmers were willing and able to give, while trying to avoid too skewed a distribu- 83
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· 1\\m\I~\II~~\IIII~\i!~\\\! t~~es
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The views expressed in this publica
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This research coul
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INTRODUCTORY NOTE When Emile Vercru
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I A BRIEF INTRODUCTION 10 THE PROBL
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agricultural productivity has reach
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Notes 1. Keith Griffin (1979) has c
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Most fallow land around Abura-Dunkw
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field which has been reaped; in the
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shelled pail by pail whenever it is
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Notes I. Quotations in this paragra
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HI ON THE SOClIAL RELATIONS OF PEAS
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- whether or not they have control
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tion was transformed into the tribu
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ges in exploitation and exploiters
Page 35 and 36:
of a state government, both involve
Page 37 and 38:
other words, exploitation is now in
Page 39 and 40:
There is now fairly general recogni
Page 41 and 42: must now move to a much more concre
Page 43 and 44: 12. According to Christensen (1954:
Page 45 and 46: IV AKAN LAND TENURE ARRANGEMENTS: A
Page 47 and 48: most if not all accounts of customa
Page 49 and 50: person (usually, but not always, a
Page 51 and 52: land. This intervening role ofthe e
Page 53 and 54: deemed abandoned after non-occupati
Page 55 and 56: Ch.III; Reindorf 1895; Kimble 1963)
Page 57 and 58: ered in that it had nearly brought
Page 59 and 60: purposes, and to subjects of other
Page 61 and 62: Notes 1. The first edition of Mensa
Page 63 and 64: v THEABURA-DUNKWA FAMILY LANDS AND
Page 65 and 66: anyone to acquire a right to farmla
Page 67 and 68: Equally, the land held (or claimed)
Page 69 and 70: eiterated that, consequent on their
Page 71 and 72: admitting that Nana Quansah was the
Page 73 and 74: emotions than anything else because
Page 75 and 76: Cape Coast where the case was down
Page 77 and 78: for him must be cancelled: It must
Page 79 and 80: Adwenadze: present-day descendants
Page 81 and 82: TableS: The Nnamfodo Lands and Thei
Page 83 and 84: It may be useful to point out that
Page 85 and 86: land (specifically: Kukubir 1 and 2
Page 87 and 88: 6 . Swearing an oath to an Akan mea
Page 89: 20. As we have explained in Ch.I1,
Page 94 and 95: tion of sample cases over the four
Page 96 and 97: (Dawurampon) is all there is availa
Page 98 and 99: 4. Auxiliary Rules for Allocating F
Page 100 and 101: Table 11: Farmers on Family Land of
Page 102 and 103: portion oftheir own family land may
Page 104 and 105: From Table 14 we see that apart fro
Page 106 and 107: together with annual tenancies at l
Page 108 and 109: - a proportionally larger part of t
Page 110 and 111: Hypothesis 4: Ignoring the uncultiv
Page 112 and 113: in the part played in the allocatio
Page 114 and 115: approval and cooperation of the oth
Page 116 and 117: 7. 'Total Acreage' in Thble 17 refe
Page 119 and 120: APPENDIX A SOME NOTES ON MFANTSE PO
Page 121 and 122: 1944 - and by then Ghana, or rather
Page 123 and 124: APPENDIXB OVERVIEW OF THE ARUBA-DUN
Page 125 and 126: NSONAMBUSUA 30. Kodju Dadzie Ekrofu
Page 127 and 128: APPENDIXC RANK CORRELATION BETWEEN
Page 129: RANK CORRELATION: Calculation rho =
Page 132 and 133: TnbleA.l Allocation of Farming Righ
Page 135 and 136: APPENDIXE THE FIELDWORK AND ITS IMP
Page 137 and 138: extent to which they were under cul
Page 139 and 140: people could not acquire land throu
Page 141: 2. Results of the farm operations q
Page 144 and 145:
Casely Hayford, J.E. (1903) Gold Co
Page 146 and 147:
O'Brien, J. (1979) The Political Ec
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