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agricultural productivity has reached the level where it can ensure the<br />
physiological reproduction of the population (at 2100 calories per head per<br />
day). Bairoch estimates this 'physiological' threshold to be at 3 .8. Another<br />
'threshold' indicates that productivity guarantees a population freedom<br />
from the risk of famine. This 'freedom from famine risk' threshold is<br />
estimated at 4.9 (Ibidem: 26-29). In the light of this we can only conclude<br />
that both Asia and Africa, while able to offer sufficient life chances in<br />
physiological terms, cannot in any definite way safeguard their populations<br />
from the risk of famine. This differs, of course, from one country to<br />
another: Kenya, at 5.3, is well beyond the famine risk while Ghana, at 3.9,<br />
is only just above the physiological threshold (Ibidem: Table 8).<br />
In the second place, the secular trend of agricultural productivity<br />
is unfavourable. Although the underdeveloped world (excluding China)<br />
experienced an increase over the period 1946/50-1953/57, it has since<br />
suffered a slight decline. 6 For Africa, however, the picture is far more<br />
unfavourable: since the years 1946/50 agricultural productivity - which<br />
was not high at the outset (7.3) - declined by 37 percent, or more than onethird<br />
(4.7) (Ibidem: Table 10).<br />
While, therefore, agricultural productivity in many African countries<br />
is so low that it does not offer any safeguard against famine, the<br />
continent's agriculture is experiencing a decline which no-one so far has<br />
been able to stop.<br />
This leads us to an initial phrasing of the problem to whose solution<br />
we hope to contribute, i.e. what is there in peasant farming as a form<br />
of production, in its inner workings or 'logic' as well as in its national and<br />
international relations to other branches of economic activity, which can<br />
help us to explain its long-term stagnation and, as regards Africa, its more<br />
recent decline as well as its apparent capacity to resist persistent efforts<br />
towards its development?<br />
It is very likely that some readers will frown at our use of the term<br />
'peasant' in referring to the small-scale farmer of the Third World. 7<br />
Although we might argue that the word 'peasant' is not infrequently used<br />
as a simple synonym for 'small-scale farmer' and that both terms equally<br />
group those primary producers together who, mainly by means of family<br />
labour, cultivate a limited land area at a relatively low level of technology,<br />
8 others will counter this argument with the theoretical overtones<br />
that 'peasant' as a concept carries with it. We contend - and we shall take<br />
that up in more detail in Chapter III that the problem of agricultural<br />
stagnation in the underdeveloped world can only be solved in practice if<br />
3