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most if not all accounts of customary land law take the form of legal<br />

systematization: a lay person therefore enters this area of study at his own<br />

peril. It would thus be unwise to proceed on the assumption that we shall<br />

somehow be able to strip the existing accounts oftheir legal interpretations<br />

and shall then be able to present land tenure arrangements 'as they are' (or<br />

'were'). The best we can do is to opt for the interpretation that seems the<br />

most adequate.<br />

In this respect there is little to be said in favour of the so-called<br />

'realism', launched by Sir William Brandfor Griffith when he served as<br />

Chief Justice in the Gold Coast Supreme Court between 1895 and 1911, and<br />

which dominated the superior courts in the first quarter of the 20th century<br />

(Asante 1975: 41). This school aimed explicitly at recognition ofthe rights<br />

of cultivators as being equal to English freehold (in fee simple)5 so that, in<br />

view of the permanent occupation and cultivation ofland for cash cropping<br />

purposes, it would become freely alienable (Asante 1975: 41-45). The<br />

subsequent interpretation, which was based on the rediscovery of 'pure<br />

native tenure' and was influential from the early 1920s to the late 1950s, is<br />

equally inadequate. This school had its beginning in a 1921 decision ofthe<br />

Privy Council in which Lord Haldane delivered the opinion of the Judicial<br />

Committee 'that the notion of individual ownership is quite foreign to<br />

native ideas '. 6 According to this view individual ownership of land was a<br />

concept alien to West Africa and nothing but an intrusion of English legal<br />

ideas. Subsequently, the superior courts of West Africa clung to the concept<br />

of communal ownership of land as the first postulate of customary land<br />

law. In this way they engaged in a concerted but completely misguided<br />

action to ignore and thereby suppress the existence of individual ownership<br />

in any form, as well as the related right to alienation ofland (Asante 1975:<br />

45- 50).<br />

If, then, we have to accept that our knowledge of Akan land tenure<br />

is inextricably bound up with common law interpretations under conditions<br />

of colonialism (and later of neo-colonialism), we must not resign ourselves<br />

to interpretations that aim either at establishing property relations which<br />

conform to English legal conceptions or at emphasizing the 'traditional'<br />

with a view to freezing the situation. We prefer an interpretation of native<br />

law that is concerned with recognizing social reality and thus has a more<br />

open eye for the changing nature of economic and social practices. Such<br />

an interpretation was first developed in 1957 by Ollennu when, in Ohimen<br />

vs. Adjei, he ruled that the usufructuary is regarded as 'owner' of the land<br />

in his possession and can alienate it voluntarily to a fellow subject (of the<br />

37

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