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most if not all accounts of customary land law take the form of legal<br />
systematization: a lay person therefore enters this area of study at his own<br />
peril. It would thus be unwise to proceed on the assumption that we shall<br />
somehow be able to strip the existing accounts oftheir legal interpretations<br />
and shall then be able to present land tenure arrangements 'as they are' (or<br />
'were'). The best we can do is to opt for the interpretation that seems the<br />
most adequate.<br />
In this respect there is little to be said in favour of the so-called<br />
'realism', launched by Sir William Brandfor Griffith when he served as<br />
Chief Justice in the Gold Coast Supreme Court between 1895 and 1911, and<br />
which dominated the superior courts in the first quarter of the 20th century<br />
(Asante 1975: 41). This school aimed explicitly at recognition ofthe rights<br />
of cultivators as being equal to English freehold (in fee simple)5 so that, in<br />
view of the permanent occupation and cultivation ofland for cash cropping<br />
purposes, it would become freely alienable (Asante 1975: 41-45). The<br />
subsequent interpretation, which was based on the rediscovery of 'pure<br />
native tenure' and was influential from the early 1920s to the late 1950s, is<br />
equally inadequate. This school had its beginning in a 1921 decision ofthe<br />
Privy Council in which Lord Haldane delivered the opinion of the Judicial<br />
Committee 'that the notion of individual ownership is quite foreign to<br />
native ideas '. 6 According to this view individual ownership of land was a<br />
concept alien to West Africa and nothing but an intrusion of English legal<br />
ideas. Subsequently, the superior courts of West Africa clung to the concept<br />
of communal ownership of land as the first postulate of customary land<br />
law. In this way they engaged in a concerted but completely misguided<br />
action to ignore and thereby suppress the existence of individual ownership<br />
in any form, as well as the related right to alienation ofland (Asante 1975:<br />
45- 50).<br />
If, then, we have to accept that our knowledge of Akan land tenure<br />
is inextricably bound up with common law interpretations under conditions<br />
of colonialism (and later of neo-colonialism), we must not resign ourselves<br />
to interpretations that aim either at establishing property relations which<br />
conform to English legal conceptions or at emphasizing the 'traditional'<br />
with a view to freezing the situation. We prefer an interpretation of native<br />
law that is concerned with recognizing social reality and thus has a more<br />
open eye for the changing nature of economic and social practices. Such<br />
an interpretation was first developed in 1957 by Ollennu when, in Ohimen<br />
vs. Adjei, he ruled that the usufructuary is regarded as 'owner' of the land<br />
in his possession and can alienate it voluntarily to a fellow subject (of the<br />
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