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Environment Reporting<br />
conditioners, computers, copying machines,<br />
and much more—had released<br />
a very unusual brew of airborne compounds,<br />
many of which were known to<br />
be hazardous in sufficient concentrations.<br />
The dust had seemed to settle on<br />
every possible surface, indoors and out.<br />
And clinicians were noticing a chronic<br />
respiratory condition in hundreds of<br />
people, so many that they gave it a<br />
name: World Trade Center Cough.<br />
But environmental health <strong>issue</strong>s are<br />
meaningful only when risks are put<br />
into context. Many reporters detest the<br />
word “context” because it’s often misused<br />
by sources who try to explain<br />
away an accurate but embarrassing<br />
quote by saying it was reported “out of<br />
context.” In environmental health stories,<br />
however, context is everything.<br />
The presence of a chemical in dust on<br />
a table, or drifting in mid-air, or even<br />
deep inside the human lung, means<br />
something only if it wasn’t there before<br />
and only if there’s some evidence that<br />
it has a significant effect.<br />
By that standard the evidence was<br />
weak, and is still weak, that the contaminants<br />
generated by the September<br />
11 disaster pose a meaningful longterm<br />
health threat to anyone, with the<br />
possible exception of those rescue<br />
workers who spent many days on the<br />
debris pile without protective gear.<br />
There is virtually nothing in the peerreviewed<br />
scientific literature to suggest<br />
that the pollutant concentrations<br />
tens of thousands of office workers and<br />
downtown residents were breathing in<br />
the days and weeks after the attack<br />
were as hazardous as, for example, the<br />
smog inversions that settle over major<br />
cities on hot summer days.<br />
But that’s not the end of this story,<br />
because absence of reliable evidence is<br />
not the same as absence of risk. The<br />
post-September 11 air plume was so<br />
unusual—more glassy than sooty, for<br />
example, and alkaline instead of<br />
acidic—that the usual ways of assessing<br />
risk weren’t especially helpful. For<br />
example, the air in most of downtown<br />
Manhattan met Clean Air Act standards<br />
almost every day in the months after<br />
the attack, but the Clean Air Act was<br />
written to deal with smog, soot and<br />
acid rain, not glass fibers. The persistent<br />
coughs reported by many people<br />
who worked there were undeniably<br />
real, even if there was no reliable way<br />
to verify the cause of specific cases. And<br />
the lack of relevant studies in the scientific<br />
literature surely had something to<br />
do with the fact that no one had ever<br />
destroyed two skyscrapers before in<br />
the midst of a crowded U.S. city.<br />
So for journalists who are serious<br />
about reporting risk in context, the airquality<br />
<strong>issue</strong> was difficult, even maddening.<br />
I found it especially difficult<br />
for personal reasons. Having seen and<br />
felt the intense trauma of September<br />
11 from an up-close vantage, I agonized<br />
over whether air hazard stories<br />
based on weak evidence were, in some<br />
small way, adding to the sense of powerlessness<br />
and fear that seemed to pervade<br />
the city. What was my responsibility?<br />
To report only what I knew to be<br />
significant and thus be certain I was<br />
not recklessly adding to the trauma? Or<br />
to report on highly uncertain risks that<br />
I knew many people were very worried<br />
about, because those risks might someday<br />
be shown to be meaningful?<br />
In the end, I tried to pick my way<br />
down a middle path, emphasizing in<br />
my reports the sketchiness of the evidence.<br />
But soon, frustrated and unsure<br />
about what to write, I drifted away<br />
from the air-quality story and back to<br />
another project—about epidemiology<br />
and cancer clusters—that I felt much<br />
more comfortable with reporting. By<br />
then, the Manhattan air story had<br />
slipped the bonds of science and become<br />
a full-blown political controversy,<br />
with health officials making decisions<br />
that had little to do with the evidence at<br />
hand and everything to do with easing<br />
public anxiety. I watched from a safe<br />
distance. ■<br />
Dan Fagin has been Newsday’s<br />
environmental reporter since 1991.<br />
He also teaches environmental<br />
journalism at New York <strong>University</strong><br />
and is the president of the Society of<br />
Environmental Journalists.<br />
Dan.Fagin@newsday.com<br />
The Press Portrayed the Story as Fish vs. Farmers<br />
But the Klamath River story is a whole lot more complicated than that.<br />
By Michael Milstein<br />
Here is the way one of my articles<br />
described what might be<br />
called the center ring of one of<br />
the biggest environmental stories in<br />
2001: “Encampments grew on both<br />
sides of the fences around the closed<br />
federal head gates, creating a surreal<br />
scene amid suburban homes on the<br />
north end of Klamath Falls. It was the<br />
result of what began as an April decision<br />
by biologists to help protected<br />
fish in an arid basin beset by drought<br />
and declines in water quality.<br />
“Up to 200 farmers and their supporters<br />
flew American flags upside<br />
down outside the fences, illustrating<br />
their defiance of the federal government<br />
and its ruling that reserved water<br />
for endangered lake fish, called suckers,<br />
and threatened coho salmon in the<br />
Klamath River in this year of record<br />
drought. The decision has left many<br />
farms in the 200,000-acre Klamath Reclamation<br />
Project to dry out in the summer<br />
sun.<br />
“On televisions facing federal agents<br />
inside the fences, farmers broadcast<br />
54 <strong>Nieman</strong> Reports / Winter 2002