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Investigating What Happens to Refugees in<br />

INS Detention<br />

This is the kind of story that ‘many of us entered journalism to do.’<br />

INS Coverage<br />

By Rick Tulsky<br />

No one really doubted why<br />

Ponnampalam Kailasapillai had<br />

made a desperate effort to flee<br />

his native Sri Lanka in 1996 in search of<br />

a new life in Canada. Like many Tamils,<br />

Kailasapillai and his family found themselves<br />

caught in the midst of the long<br />

and bloody civil war between the ruling<br />

government and militant members<br />

of the Tamil minority. A farmer in the<br />

contested part of the country,<br />

Kailasapillai described encountering<br />

repeated abuses and detentions both<br />

from government troops who mistrusted<br />

his allegiance and from rebels<br />

who demanded support.<br />

And so, that September, the slight<br />

farmer, then 46, set out on the journey<br />

to Toronto, on the other side of the<br />

universe. There, he hoped to settle in<br />

the growing Tamil community where<br />

his brother had made a new life and<br />

then arrange for his wife and daughters<br />

to follow. He made his way to Switzerland<br />

and then to Dulles Airport, outside<br />

Washington, D.C. But as he sought<br />

to transfer planes one more time, alert<br />

inspectors of the Immigration and Naturalization<br />

Service (INS) discovered that<br />

Kailasapillai’s passport was not his own<br />

and took him into custody.<br />

There, he was sent to a jail in Virginia<br />

and forced to navigate the U.S.<br />

asylum system if he wished to avoid<br />

being sent back to Sri Lanka. He remained<br />

locked up as Immigration Judge<br />

Joan Churchill denied him asylum in<br />

1996, ruling that although the Tamil<br />

had a credible fear for his safety, the<br />

violent conditions of Sri Lanka did not<br />

amount to the kind of persecution intended<br />

under asylum law.<br />

Though he wanted only to make his<br />

way to Canada, Kailasapillai remained<br />

locked up, in one Virginia jail after<br />

another, as the weeks turned into<br />

months turned into years. The American<br />

<strong>University</strong> Law Clinic attempted to<br />

help him navigate his freedom, but<br />

U.S. officials continued to oppose his<br />

release, even as his psychologists<br />

warned that Kailasapillai’s mental condition<br />

was deteriorating because of<br />

posttraumatic stress disorder caused<br />

by his previous detentions in Sri Lanka.<br />

It was not until April 2001 that INS<br />

officials would finally release<br />

Kailasapillai, when Justice Department<br />

officials finally reversed themselves and<br />

ruled that he could go free as long as he<br />

went on to Canada—as he always intended.<br />

In midafternoon on April 3,<br />

after clearing the Canadian border at<br />

Niagara Falls, Kailasapillai finally was<br />

reunited with his brother. He was four<br />

and a half years late.<br />

Covering the INS in a<br />

Systemic Way<br />

The case of Kailasapillai would seem to<br />

be precisely the kind of <strong>issue</strong> that makes<br />

a free press so valuable: a vulnerable,<br />

harmless person who wanted only freedom<br />

and safety and instead had become<br />

a victim of a harsh and arbitrary<br />

system. Even better, at <strong>issue</strong> was a<br />

system that went to the very heart of<br />

how well America served as the beacon<br />

of freedom and justice.<br />

In fact, Kailasapillai was one of thousands<br />

of Sri Lankan Tamils who have<br />

been locked up in the United States,<br />

many for extended periods, as they<br />

tried to escape to safety in Canada. And<br />

Sri Lankans were only a small percentage<br />

of the thousands of people who<br />

undertook great risks to flee danger in<br />

their homeland, only to be locked up<br />

with the threat of being sent back to<br />

whatever they may face back home.<br />

For better or worse, I became involved<br />

in asylum <strong>issue</strong>s in 1997, after<br />

having read articles by New York Times<br />

reporter Cecilia Dugger and columns<br />

by Anthony Lewis [see Lewis’s story on<br />

page 25] with some horror stories involving<br />

asylum seekers. I called Lewis<br />

to seek his views about the need for<br />

someone to explore what was happening<br />

on a more systemic basis. He was<br />

totally encouraging.<br />

In early 1998, I undertook such a<br />

project through an Alicia Patterson<br />

<strong>Foundation</strong> Fellowship. Two years<br />

later, I had found a system that failed to<br />

fully ensure that refugees fleeing desperate<br />

situations could count on protection<br />

in the United States:<br />

• In 56 cases that were reviewed as<br />

part of the project, asylum seekers<br />

won their cases only after spending<br />

more than one year in custody once<br />

they arrived in the United States<br />

seeking help.<br />

• One of the most significant factors in<br />

whether asylum seekers would win<br />

their cases was the luck of which<br />

administrative immigration judge<br />

was assigned to hear the case. An<br />

analysis of more than 175,000 cases<br />

heard by 219 different judges<br />

showed extreme disparities in how<br />

asylum cases were decided: Some<br />

administrative judges granted more<br />

than half the cases they heard, while<br />

others were granting fewer than five<br />

percent of the cases.<br />

• One third of asylum seekers were<br />

left to present their case without an<br />

attorney; many have little or no familiarity<br />

with English or with the<br />

legal standard for asylum. A<br />

Georgetown <strong>University</strong> study deter-<br />

<strong>Nieman</strong> Reports / Winter 2002 5

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