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— 5 —<br />

Cruise Missile Employment Doctrine and Training<br />

China’s current military modernization efforts—including its new ASCM and LACM<br />

programs—seem focused on preparing for contingencies in the Taiwan Strait, which by<br />

necessity include the possibility of U.S. military intervention. The sea component of such<br />

a contingency would involve ASCMs and the land component LACMs. China appears<br />

to believe in the value of large-scale use of attacks in both domains.<br />

Western analysts of Chinese military options vis-à-vis Taiwan may generally be<br />

divided into two schools of thought. One side holds that the military would undertake<br />

a measured approach involving a deliberate buildup of overwhelming military <strong>force</strong> for<br />

the purposes of coercing Taiwan to submit to China’s demands in a crisis. The other side<br />

thinks that China would employ surprise to achieve rapid success against Taiwan before<br />

the United States had time to intervene. Cruise missiles would be important to either<br />

approach: as a deterrent measure in the former and as a means of attack in the latter.<br />

Chinese strategists have devoted considerable attention to the importance of seizing the<br />

initiative from the beginning of a military campaign. RAND Corporation researchers,<br />

in assessing China’s emerging antiaccess strategies, quote one Chinese analyst as saying<br />

that “in a high-tech local war, a belligerent which adopts a passive defensive strategy and<br />

launches no offensive against the enemy is bound to fold its hands and await destruction.” 1<br />

China’s Emerging Sea Strike Capability<br />

DOD’s 2006 Quadrennial Defense Review (QDR) singled out China among all<br />

emerging powers as having “the greatest potential to compete militarily with the United<br />

States and field disruptive military technologies that could over time offset traditional<br />

U.S. military advantages absent U.S. counter strategies.” 2 In many ways, this asymmetric<br />

possibility has already been realized.<br />

The precise strategic and political calculus behind PLAN modernization is outside<br />

the context of this inquiry into China’s strike capability. Recent PLAN sea strike training<br />

in “complex” maritime environments and open source discussions concerning ASCM<br />

weapon and surface combatant delivery as well as platform capability suggest consistent<br />

themes that form a basis for Chinese experimentation against an anticipated CSG opponent<br />

defended by Aegis.<br />

61

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