SUICIDE in RURAL & REMOTE AREAS of AUSTRALIA - Living is for ...

Suicide in rural and remote areas of Australia 11
Suicidal Behaviours in
Australian Farmers
Studies which have looked at the vulnerability of
rural men to poorer health and wellbeing and their
corresponding higher rates of risk-taking, self-harm
and suicidal behaviours have begun to dissect the
masculinist paradigm which frames the perceived
and lived experiences of rural Australia – what
rural Australia is presumed to be like and how rural
Australia is in real life (Alston, 2010; Alston & Kent,
2008; Bourke, 2003; Dempsey, 1992; Fraser et
al, 2005; Liepins, 2000). Traditional masculinity
is so closely tied to the construction of the rural
‘place’ that agriculture is perceived to ‘make’ men
in Australia (Liepins, 2000). Rural males are ‘made’
to be physically and emotionally tough and strong,
able to solve any problem as no obstacle can beat
them, where alcohol, sport and (some degree of)
physical violence is naturally accepted (Alston &
Kent 2008; Bourke, 2003; Dempsey, 1992; Liepins,
2000; Lockie & Bourke, 2001). This man is the hero
of rural mythology. Even though he may be unreal,
this construct is so normalised that it continues
to impact on the ways in which ‘rural’ Australia is
predominantly presented in the media. Traditionally,
these strong masculine men were expected to take
on leadership roles within their rural community;
these men provided the foundation upon which
rural communities thrived (Alston, 2010; Alston
& Kent, 2008; Liepins, 2000; Lockie & Bourke,
2001). Consequently, femininity became what
was ‘not’ masculine (Liepins, 2000). Women were
constructed to be subordinate to and rely upon men,
to become wives and mothers; women watched
men drink alcohol or play sport, they were not
expected to actively participate in these activities
(Alston, 2010; Alston & Kent, 2008; Liepins, 2000).
However, at times, this stark delineation between
acceptable masculine and feminine behaviours has
become problematic for those men and women who
did not neatly fi t within such bounds. Gay men, or
men who simply chose recreational avenues outside
sport such as the creative arts, can be marginalised
and abused; women may struggle with education
and employment opportunities which can confl ict
with traditional subordinate roles (Alston & Kent,
2008; Bourke, 2003).
Yet, in the wake of Australia’s rural crisis and the
aftermath of long-term drought, the delineation
between masculine/dominant and feminine/
subordinate roles have no longer been able to afford
to be so stark. Research has shown that women are
increasingly employed in off-farm work to keep the
farm fi nancially viable (Alston, 2010; Alston & Kent,
2008). Recently, Alston found that “…over 50%
of farms run by families are now reliant on off-farm
income to stay in farming and 80% of this work is
done by women” (2010, p. 2). While employment
structures have necessarily changed, other ideals
have not. Women are still often expected to fulfi l
the duties attached to their traditional role of wife/
mother, as well as any on-farm work such as fi nancial
management (Alston, 2010). Further, the reliance
on an off-farm income, brought in by a woman, has
arguably had negative impacts on the male sense
of self – they are no longer the breadwinner, even
if they are continuing to conform to all the ideals
of the rural masculinist paradigm (Alston, 2010;
Fraser et al, 2005; Liepins, 2000). In this way,
“while this hegemonic position has benefi ted men
in good times, it also locks them into fairly rigid
subject positions, typifi ed by a stoic resistance to
adversity and a rugged individualism that prevents
help-seeking behaviour” (Alston & Kent, 2008, p.
136). Men may shoulder the blame for any of these
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