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Contents - Konrad Lorenz Institute

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An Evolutionary Model of the Effects of Human Paternal Resemblance on Paternal Investment<br />

risk for sperm competition by the female, otherwise<br />

the male might be led to abuse, even infanticide, to<br />

ensure that his resources were not spent on other<br />

male’s offspring. Again, this is counter to the argument<br />

put forth by BRESSAN and colleagues in which<br />

they suggest that males would experience increased<br />

fitness returns by not knowing paternity. This would<br />

only be the case for those males chosen as EPC partners.<br />

One could hypothesize that there is something<br />

about males who engage in EPCs, who are selected as<br />

EPC partners, or who adopt a primarily EPC-driven<br />

reproductive strategy to produce anonymous looking<br />

children. However, because the rates of EPP are<br />

on the order of 1–20%, the majority of males in the<br />

population would still require a means by which to<br />

make assessment about paternity. It therefore is probably<br />

more parsimonious to presume that females<br />

choose EPC partners along two dimensions that help<br />

to ensure investment from their in-pair partner. First,<br />

females could choose to engage in EPCs with males<br />

who resemble their in-pair mate, which would increase<br />

the likelihood that the child might also bear<br />

some resemblance to the in-pair mate. This would<br />

also aid in maternal warping of the social mirror effect<br />

(Gaulin, in press); i.e., if a female chooses an EPC<br />

partner who resembles her in-pair partner, the in-pair<br />

partner may be more susceptible to social affirmations<br />

of resemblance. Second, because females usually<br />

choose EPC partners that are more attractive,<br />

symmetrical, and are presumed to have “better<br />

genes” (see BAKER/BELLIS 1995, for a review), an inpair<br />

mate might be more inclined to react favorably<br />

towards a child that expresses “good genes” (e.g., being<br />

more symmetrical). MEALEY (2003) recently demonstrated<br />

that symmetry among twins did not account<br />

for variation in treatment of the twins.<br />

However, PLATEK et al. (in preparation), using a morphing<br />

paradigm have documented significant differences<br />

in reactions to children’s faces as a function of<br />

symmetry, with more symmetrical faces eliciting<br />

greater positive investment responses. Although the<br />

effects of symmetry may play an important role in<br />

child investment strategies, symmetry is not modeled<br />

here.<br />

Evidence for the Effects of Genetic<br />

Relatedness and Paternal Resemblance<br />

There is evidence that males differentially invest in<br />

children to whom they are genetically related. It is<br />

not uncommon for unrelated, or otherwise stepchildren<br />

to be treated significantly worse than biological<br />

children (e.g., ANDERSON et al. 1999). BURCH and<br />

GALLUP (2000) have shown that the less a male<br />

thinks a child looks like him, the worse he treats the<br />

child, and the worse the relationship with that child<br />

is. DALY and WILSON (1983; DALY/WILSON/WEG-<br />

HORST 1982) have shown that male sexual jealousy<br />

can become violent and can be interpreted as a<br />

byproduct of the fear of infidelity, or possibility of<br />

becoming a cuckold. They estimate the incidence of<br />

abuse that results in infanticide among step-children<br />

to be 100 times that of genetically related children.<br />

These data suggest a strong link between perceived<br />

resemblance, relatedness and the treatment<br />

of children.<br />

However, in terms of assessing resemblance, the<br />

absence of mirrors during human evolution might<br />

have precluded males from being able to objectively<br />

determine the degree of facial resemblance. There<br />

are several hypotheses about how and whether resemblance<br />

could have had effects during our evolutionary<br />

history. The first falls under a category that<br />

has been referred to as the social mirror effect<br />

(BURCH/GALLUP 2000). A social mirror consists of 1)<br />

other people telling you that a child resembles you,<br />

2) making comparisons between your child and<br />

your putative genetic kin, and 3) monitoring behavioral<br />

similarities, or lack thereof, between your offspring,<br />

your kin, and yourself. There are data to support<br />

the existence of a social mirror. It has been<br />

shown that other’s perceptions of offspring-paternal<br />

resemblance is important in 1) the father’s perceptions<br />

of resemblance (DALY/WILSON 1983; REGAL-<br />

SKI/GAULIN 1993) and 2) the degree of violent<br />

behavior enacted by the father toward the offspring<br />

and the mate (BURCH/GALLUP 2000, in press). Further,<br />

DEBRUINE (2002) has shown that people trust<br />

those who resemble them more than those who do<br />

not, suggesting a role for kin-resemblance comparisons<br />

(see also PLATEK et al. 2003).<br />

However, although social mirror information<br />

seems to be important for the ways in which a male<br />

behaves toward a child, my colleagues and I have recently<br />

found that, in hypothetical investment situations,<br />

males react more positively toward faces of<br />

children that actually share more of their own facial<br />

features (PLATEK et al. 2002). This morphing study<br />

employed stimulus faces that represented a 50%<br />

morph; i.e., the stimulus child’s face was 50% child<br />

and 50% subject. We have found that, in order for a<br />

male to change from reacting indifferently to favorably<br />

toward a child’s face they must share at least<br />

25% facial characteristics in common with the<br />

child’s face (PLATEK et al. 2003). This proportion of<br />

shared characteristics parallels the degree of shared<br />

Evolution and Cognition ❘ 191 ❘ 2003, Vol. 9, No. 2

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