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Interim Report - TEEB

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arable land (FAO 2006). Extending agricultural production<br />

will have consequences for biodiversity and ecosystem<br />

services as more land is converted for food production. The<br />

expanding livestock sector will be in direct competition with<br />

humans for land, water and other natural resources.<br />

Livestock production is the largest sectoral source of water<br />

pollutants. It is also a major factor in rising deforestation:<br />

70% of land in the Amazon that was previously forested is<br />

now used as pasture, and livestock feed crops cover a large<br />

part of the remainder (FAO 2006).<br />

CLIMATE CHANGE AND BIODIVERSITY<br />

Climate change is linked to many of the issues we have<br />

presented in this chapter. The El Niño-La Niña cycle in<br />

the Pacific Ocean is one prominent example of the<br />

vulnerability of biodiversity to climate. A small rise in<br />

the sea surface temperature in 1976 and 1998 led to a<br />

series of worldwide phenomena, which resulted in<br />

1998 being characterized as “the year the world caught<br />

fire”. Permanent damage includes (US Department of<br />

Commerce 2008):<br />

• burned forests that will not recover within any<br />

meaningful human timescale;<br />

• a rise in the temperature of surface waters of the central<br />

western Pacific Ocean from an average of 19°C to<br />

25°C;<br />

• shifts toward heat-tolerant species living inside corals;<br />

• a northward shift in the jet stream.<br />

`<br />

These types of complex phenomena show us how vulnerable<br />

we are to tipping points beyond those linked directly<br />

to increasing temperatures and carbon dioxide levels.<br />

Biodiversity losses can also contribute to climate change in<br />

many complex ways. There are many examples of how<br />

overharvesting or changed land-use patterns have triggered<br />

social and economic changes leading to greater reliance<br />

on carbon.<br />

Draining peat lands results in carbon losses. But predicted<br />

changes to climate could cause accelerated rates of carbon<br />

release from the soil, contributing in turn to higher greenhouse<br />

gas concentrations in the atmosphere (Bellamy et al.<br />

2005). Under the same climatic conditions, grassland and<br />

forests tend to have higher stocks of organic carbon than<br />

arable land and are seen as net sinks for carbon. Yet deforestation<br />

and intensification of cropland areas are rampant.<br />

To take account of these complexities we will need more than<br />

energy-based econometric models. We will need to respond<br />

to knowledge about how to adapt and how vulnerabilities<br />

might arise from global ecological processes. This will<br />

require a much deeper dialogue than we have seen so<br />

far between economists, climate scientists and ecologists.<br />

IMPACTS ON THE POOR<br />

A striking aspect of the consequences of biodiversity<br />

loss is their disproportionate but unrecognized impact<br />

on the poor. For instance, if climate change resulted in a<br />

drought that halved the income of the poorest of the 28<br />

million Ethiopians, this would barely register on the global<br />

balance sheet – world GDP would fall by less than 0.003%.<br />

The distributional challenge is particularly difficult because<br />

those who have largely caused the problems – the rich<br />

countries – are not going to suffer the most, at least not in the<br />

short term.<br />

The evidence is clear. The consequences of biodiversity loss<br />

and ecosystem service degradation – from water to food to<br />

fish – are not being shared equitably across the world. The<br />

areas of richest biodiversity and ecosystem services are in<br />

developing countries where they are relied upon by billions of<br />

people to meet their basic needs. Yet subsistence farmers,<br />

fishermen, the rural poor and traditional societies face<br />

the most serious risks from degradation. This imbalance<br />

is likely to grow. Estimates of the global environmental costs<br />

in six major categories, from climate change to overfishing,<br />

show that the costs arise overwhelmingly in high- and<br />

middle-income countries and are borne by low-income<br />

countries (Srinivasan et al. 2007).<br />

Box 2.3: Gender, poverty and biodiversity in<br />

Orissa, India<br />

The impact of the loss of biodiversity, often not very<br />

visible, has serious implications for poverty reduction<br />

and well-being for women as it severely affects the<br />

role of women as forest gatherers. Studies in the<br />

tribal regions of Orissa and Chattisgarh, states in<br />

India which were once heavily forested, have<br />

recorded how deforestation has resulted in loss of<br />

livelihoods, in women having to walk four times the<br />

distance to collect forest produce and in their<br />

inability to access medicinal herbs which have been<br />

depleted. This loss reduces income, increases<br />

drudgery and affects physical health. There is also<br />

evidence to show that the relative status of women<br />

within the family is higher in well-forested villages,<br />

where their contribution to the household income is<br />

greater than in villages that lack natural resources.<br />

Sarojini Thakur, Head of Gender Section,<br />

Commonwealth Secretariat, personal communication, May 15th 2008.<br />

20 The economics of ecosystems and biodiversity

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