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Keewatin v. Minister of Natural Resources

Keewatin v. Minister of Natural Resources

Keewatin v. Minister of Natural Resources

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Part 10. Findings <strong>of</strong> Fact Part I 172[873] I find the Commissioners were able to make the Ojibway understand that they did nothave all the Queen's power. They were representing the Government, the Council at Ottawa. TheOjibway had been dealing with Dawson as a representative <strong>of</strong> the Government <strong>of</strong> Canada on aregular basis since 1868. Dawson had met with their Grand Council repeatedly. Chartrandconceded in cross-examination (January 21, 2010, pp. 77-78) that it was very possible thatduring one <strong>of</strong> the early Council meetings, Dawson had explained the nature <strong>of</strong> his authority tooversee the Route and may very well have made a reference to the Government <strong>of</strong> the Dominion<strong>of</strong> Canada. The Ojibway understood that Canada was building the Dawson Route and thatDawson was an employee <strong>of</strong> Canada. They had been dealing with Pither as a representative <strong>of</strong>the federal Department <strong>of</strong> Indian Affairs since 1870. They had seen Canadian troops crossingtheir lands on their way to quell the insurrection at the Red River. There were ways in which thesense <strong>of</strong> the Government at Ottawa could be conveyed. They knew that Pither and Provencherwere employees <strong>of</strong> Canada. They knew that Canada was building the CPR. They appreciated thatthe security <strong>of</strong> the Dawson Route and the building <strong>of</strong> the CPR and its security were the mostpressing reasons for the Treaty from the perspective <strong>of</strong> the Commissioners.2011 ONSC 4801 (CanLII)[874] In short, they knew the Commissioners were from Canada. They were dealing withCanada. Canada was promising to implement and enforce the Treaty. They were content withthat.[875] From a review <strong>of</strong> the various contemporaneous records <strong>of</strong> the negotiations, it is clear thatMorris did frequently refer to the Queen at the start <strong>of</strong> the 1873 negotiations. He knew theOjibway perceived Her Majesty favourably because they believed that Indians in Britishterritories had been well treated relative to their counterparts in the United States. At thebeginning <strong>of</strong> the negotiations, Morris was clearly hoping to benefit from that positive perception.Chartrand opined that, initially, Morris was trying to achieve his negotiation goal by alluding toOjibway historic understanding that the Queen was noble, generous, kind and protective (January22, 2010 at p. 84.)[876] However, I find, just as the Manitoba Free Press correspondent noted in his report thatduring the negotiations on October 2, 1873, Morris made a deliberate decision to make it clearwhat he obviously knew, that they were dealing with and he was deriving his authority from theCanadian government.[877] I find that on October 2, 1873, Morris decided to abandon his earlier approach and optedto clarify what he had earlier said.[878] Because Morris changed tack, Chartrand's reference to the "preponderance" <strong>of</strong> referencesto the Queen does not hold water. It is necessary to look at what was said during the criticalphase <strong>of</strong> the negotiations on October 2 and 3.[879] On October 3, he repeatedly mentioned and explained not only that the Council at Ottawawould be implementing the Treaty but also that the ear <strong>of</strong> the Queen's government would alwaysbe open. The Treaty promises would be enforced.

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