D E N K U L T U R E L L E S K U L E S E K K E Nindicates that the lay client will not be in a position to evaluate fully theprofessional practice undertaken. Trust is a key concept in aclient/professional relationship. This requires ethical considerations on thepart of the professional; “… this issue also raises the fundamental question ofintegrity — namely, not only whether, if it exists, it will be used to exploit orbenefit the participation lay elements or, as I much prefer to put it, be used ina higher-order common interest” (Parsons 1978:46). Client satisfaction andthe good of the client are seen as more relevant than the benefit from thecontrol of a specific service. Professionalism has to be earned in the ethicalsense, where lay people’s trust in the profession must be honoured:“…a good professional has also to be someone who possesses,in addition to specified theoretical or technical expertise, arange of distinctly moral attitudes, values and motives designedto elevate the interest and needs of clients, patients or pupilsabove self-interest” (Carr 2000:26).When professionals put the interests of the lay public over their own interests,it will functions as a contradictory force to pure profit or bureaucracy(Freidson 2001; Hughes 1984). This orientation outward towards socialchange or development has some of the aspects of having a calling, or avocation.THE WORK PRACTICE AS A VITAL FACTORBoth of these approaches have been questioned as to their lack of focus onthe actual processes of work at practice and actor level (Abbott 1988; Evetts2003). The structural approach, which is necessary, can be limiting if itsupposes that professions are uniform structures — that the same processesand sequence in development will be equal to all professions. As professionsare operational on different levels of ‘consciousness’: at state, market andsocietal level, at organisational and institutional level, and at work, actor andgroup level (Evetts 2003), thus theories of professionalism must be as well.Parsons claims that professional status is limited by the occupations having toproceed through three stages (Parsons 1978:40). Abbott, on the other hand,claims that the work practise is fluent and diverse, with continued change ofboundaries and positions. The professions will all differ and this will make aunitary definition complicated. They create themselves in several manners —as a community of practice (Wenger 1998), or rather a community ofreference (Boltanski and Thévenot 2000).“This common identity is produced and reproduced throughoccupational and professional socialization by means of sharedand common educational backgrounds, professional training70
A G R E E M E N T A N D D I S C O R Dand vocational experiences, and by membership of professionalassociations (local, regional, national and international) andsocieties where practitioners develop and maintain a sharedwork culture” (Evetts 2003:401).In view of this, structural models at the state and organisational level are notsufficient. Abbott claims that: “The central problem with the current conceptof professionalization is its focus on structure rather than work” (Abbott1988:19). Also the professions are changing, some becoming redundant, andsome growing with new demands. However, there is a factor to consider evenon the level of work practice that will apply to them all. The professions willbe seen as parts of a whole. Not any one profession can be seen as unrelatedto another. They are rec<strong>og</strong>nised by their boundaries — what separates themfrom the next. Here the thoughts of a system, rather than a structure, arevaluable. “Professions are never seen alone, but they are also not replaced bya single encompassing category of “the professions”. They exist in a system”(Abbott 1988:33). This will mean that discussions concerning theprofessionalism of A&C teachers within DKS, have to be made in relation tothe Artists in the project. One profession’s boundaries are rec<strong>og</strong>nised by theboundaries of the professions in proximity to it. They ‘work’ t<strong>og</strong>ether, and assuch, can tell us of the dynamics that come into play in that particular case.My focus on this ’micro’ perspective in the DKS pr<strong>og</strong>ram and evaluatedDKS projects — the perspective of the work and the justifications concerningthe choices made in the work practice — thus becomes of great importance.“It is the content of the professions’ work that the case studies tell us ischanging. It is control of work that brings the professions into conflict witheach other and makes their histories interdependent” (Abbott 1988:19). It isin the justifications of the DKS practice that the agenda of the two involvedprofessions and their place in relation to each other are communicated andestablished. Their expert knowledge is commented on and expressed bymedia and evaluation narratives. It is in the differences that characteristics arehighlighted (Latour 2005), and in the similarities that cause disruption thatthe change in placement can be seen, and the public is brought into thestruggle. It is in the ambiguous situations (Boltanski and Thévenot 2006) thatoccur and the justification narratives that are told that the boundaries betweenthe professions are challenged, and rec<strong>og</strong>nised, as they are articulatedthrough purpose and the distribution of perceived relevant knowledge. Thecollaboration projects within DKS can, in my view, be seen as an arena fornarratives of professional struggle based on how representations ofprofessionals and professional practice are presented to the public. Actionscan be seen as a form of justification in its own right. The strategic sides ofactions, to organize the work in relationality, are what professional claims are71
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