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Benin report - Institut Africain de la Gouvernance

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CHAPTER FOUR: ECONOMIC GOVERNANCE AND MANAGEMENT__________________________________________________________________________348. The end of the period was, therefore, marked by the interventions of theBretton Woods <strong>Institut</strong>ions. Strict conventional stabilisation programmes andSAPs were „negotiated‟ and implemented through various agreements. Theywere not successful in terms of either growth or the social welfare of thepopu<strong>la</strong>tion. Social unrest followed and these soon became political<strong>de</strong>monstrations. The col<strong>la</strong>pse of the Soviet regime during the same period onlyserved to alienate the country further from socialist <strong>de</strong>velopmental policy anda single-party system. The National Sovereign Conference marked the end ofthis period and ushered in another.349. The third period (1990 to the present) was known as the Democratic NewDeal. It started at the conclusion of the National Sovereign Conference. Thereturn to liberalism, and its re<strong>la</strong>ted governance systems, became the basis ofeconomic management. Then international aid arrived. It brought with itinternal social and political cohesion and a new-found confi<strong>de</strong>nce in managingand mitigating social evils and for making the necessary efforts to establishmacroeconomic stability. The economic governance of this period was markednot so much by the need for structural transformation as by the need to achieveeconomic stability in or<strong>de</strong>r to create the conditions for economic recovery.Day-to-day economic management ignored the importance of constructing anew economic vision to solve the basic problems of <strong>Benin</strong>‟s economy.350. The macroeconomic results were satisfactory in terms of economic growth,external tra<strong>de</strong>, public finances and inf<strong>la</strong>tion. The new <strong>de</strong>mocratic frameworkhelped enormously. However, this method of economic governance, based onroutine management, soon ran out of steam after the <strong>de</strong>valuation of the CFAfranc in 1994. The SAPs and he PRSP I could not resolve the country‟seconomic difficulties. Its vulnerability to both internal and external shocks andthe weaknesses in the current style of economic management were clear,particu<strong>la</strong>rly in the <strong>de</strong>cline in growth and the standard of living of thepopu<strong>la</strong>tion. The issue of economic <strong>de</strong>velopment and structural change boileddown to a frantic search for financial equilibrium, which then served as a<strong>de</strong>velopmental policy.351. Although the country had championed compliance with the macroeconomicconvergence criteria adopted in WAEMU, or at least most of them, itscompetitiveness continued to <strong>de</strong>cline. It became increasingly incapable ofp<strong>la</strong>ying its role as a transitional economy effectively. <strong>Benin</strong>‟s heavy<strong>de</strong>pen<strong>de</strong>nce on the world‟s economy and on the economy of its powerfulneighbour, Nigeria, did not help it to <strong>de</strong>fine, let alone implement, governance– except in terms of routine economic management with a short-termperspective. There was just no policy on structural change to assist in theconstruction of an alternative and long-term vision. It is here that we findanother focus and core challenge for economic governance in <strong>Benin</strong>. This is to<strong>de</strong>fine and implement a vision, for the <strong>Benin</strong> of tomorrow, to achievesustained and equitable growth, to reduce poverty, and to transform economicstructures into an integrated national economy that is open at both regional andworld levels and capable of resisting internal and external shocks.132

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