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Benin report - Institut Africain de la Gouvernance

Benin report - Institut Africain de la Gouvernance

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CHAPTER FOUR: ECONOMIC GOVERNANCE AND MANAGEMENT__________________________________________________________________________471. The <strong>report</strong> also emphasises the existence of legal provisions establishing aco<strong>de</strong> of conduct, which inclu<strong>de</strong>s the public <strong>de</strong>c<strong>la</strong>ration of assets. The presi<strong>de</strong>ntand ministers <strong>de</strong>c<strong>la</strong>re their assets on assumption of and leaving office.However, these <strong>de</strong>c<strong>la</strong>rations are not known to the citizens so the <strong>la</strong>tter are notable to exercise social control.472. The <strong>report</strong> also mentions that, with the inauguration of the new government,<strong>Benin</strong> now has an ombudsperson to evaluate cases of corruption in the publicsector. However, the constitutionality of the appointment of an ombudspersonhas been challenged by the Constitutional Court. Furthermore, noparliamentary committee was set up to evaluate cases of corruption. TheCSAR also notes that, whenever measures are taken to fight corruption, everyeffort is ma<strong>de</strong> to eva<strong>de</strong> them. It could, therefore, be said that the past fiveyears have been rather disappointing on this score, and a new start will have tobe ma<strong>de</strong>.473. With regard to the follow-up, and eventually prosecution, of cases ofcorruption over the past five years, the government has established two typesof mechanisms. The first was the creation of the CMVP. This comprises civilservants and is attached directly to the presi<strong>de</strong>ncy of the republic. However,such a unit is wrongly or rightly seen by the majority of citizens as a structurethat could not moralise anything. According to its <strong>de</strong>tractors, its main task wasto be an attractive „window-dressing‟ for the authorities and to divert publicattention.474. The <strong>report</strong> notes that, in reality, these criticisms against the CMVP areexaggerated. While it is true that the structure did not have a<strong>de</strong>quate resourcesto achieve its ambitions, it did take enormous risks to moralise public life.More than once it showed the <strong>de</strong>sire to make a significant contribution to theimprovement of morals. The CMVP was dissolved and rep<strong>la</strong>ced by theGeneral State Inspectorate (IGE) and the anti-corruption watchdog OLC.475. The second measure was the creation of FONAC. It was established by thegovernment un<strong>de</strong>r pressure from civil society organisations, which expressedthe urgent need for such an organisation. In<strong>de</strong>pen<strong>de</strong>nt of the authorities,FONAC became famous for its commitment in a severe and merciless fightagainst corruption. This is shown by the numerous operations that hit theheadlines and created difficulties even for ministers in office. However, heretoo it should be recognised that FONAC and OLC did not have a positiveimpact on the anti-corruption drive.476. Lastly, the <strong>report</strong> notes that the fight against corruption in the <strong>Benin</strong>ese publicservice encounters some problems. These are:difficulties re<strong>la</strong>ting to social pressure;difficulties re<strong>la</strong>ting to the involvement of the state in wheeler-<strong>de</strong>aling;difficulties re<strong>la</strong>ting to politicisation of the administration;169

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