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R.J. Godlewski's The Independent Counterterrorist. I, Militia. June ...

R.J. Godlewski's The Independent Counterterrorist. I, Militia. June ...

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ecome increasingly apparent, while the empowerment<br />

of nonstate actors will increase significantly. Although<br />

some strong legitimate states will continue to exist, the<br />

number of what might be termed qualified, restricted,<br />

notional, or hollow and collapsed states is likely to<br />

increase. Moreover, many of these weaker states will be<br />

neutralized, penetrated, or in some cases even captured<br />

by organized crime, terrorists, militias, warlords, and<br />

other violent nonstate actors. In effect, we will continue<br />

to see a world of formal state structures, but at least<br />

some of these will be little more than fronts for these<br />

other actors. In other instances, the emphasis on formal<br />

sovereignty will do little to obscure the dispersal of real<br />

authority and power among what Rapley described<br />

as “autonomous political agents, equipped with their<br />

own resource bases, which make them resistant to a<br />

reimposition of centralized control.” 74<br />

One of the corollaries of this is the spread of<br />

disorder from the zone of weak states and feral cities in<br />

the developing world to the countries of the developed<br />

world. This is recognized, for example, by Collier in<br />

his argument that the problem of the bottom billion<br />

matters, and not just to the . . . people who are living<br />

and dying in 14th century conditions. It matters to us.<br />

<strong>The</strong> 21st century world of material comfort, global travel,<br />

and economic interdependence will become increasingly<br />

vulnerable to these large islands of chaos. And it<br />

matters now. As the bottom billion diverges from an<br />

increasingly sophisticated world economy, integration<br />

will become harder not easier. 75<br />

This notion of spreading disorder is a very important<br />

antidote to an overly-optimistic Wilsonianism that<br />

sees democracy, liberty, or global economic integration<br />

as cure-alls. Thomas Barnett, for example, in<br />

31

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